NEVER AGAIN - THE SECOND VORTEX

PART I
A SADLY NECESSARY PRELUDE
1. The Hate
2. The Past Is Present
3. The Bulldozers of Hate
PART II
A JEWISH STATE VERSUS WESTERN DEMOCRACY
4. Jewish Terror
5. Demography, Democracy and Demogoguery
6. Arabs with "Jewish" Heads
PART III
IN SEARCH OF A NATIONAL COUCH
7. The Dream
8. The Temple Mount Is ...
9. Artists, Intellectuals and Imbeciles
PART IV
JUDAISM VERSUS WESTERN DEMOCRACY
10. Jews and Gentiles
11. Jews and Jews
12. Father's Grapes and Children's Teeth
PART V
UNCOMFORTABLE QUESTIONS FOR COMFORTABLE JEWS
13. No Guilt!
14. A Jewish State

9 13 37
45 59 68
87 112 120
155 180 217
243 254

PART VI
OUTRAGE OF TYRANNY
15. Israel
16. The United States

275 294

PART I



17. Conclusion

PART VII
CONCLUSION

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"And I will make thee unto this people a fortified, brazen wall and they shall fight against thee but they shall not prevail against thee. For I am with thee to save thee and deliver thee, saith the L-rd, and I will deliver thee out of the hand of the wicked and I will redeem thee out of the hand of the terrible" (Jeremiah 15).
Chapter 1
The Hate
Old witchhunters never die; they return in the form of Israeli liberal-leftist news media people, intellectuals and politicians along with presidents of Jewish Establishment groups and rabbis in the United States.
For those too young to have even experienced the late United States Senator Joe McCarthy and his smearing of character and names of innocent people, for those below the age of 300 or so, who never lived in Salem or participated in the great hunt, "which is witch," regret not. McCarthy and the Salem witchhunters have returned in full regalia, but this time in the Jewish communities of Israel and the Exile.
As I step back and review the events that have occurred since 26,000 Israelis voted that I be their representative in the Knesset, I am overwhelmed by the sheer magnitude of the screeching

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The Hate

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hatred of the liberal intellectual mob. "Racist," "fascist," "madman," "pig" were among the kinder epithets thrown out by the liberal humanists and democrats of the Jewish state and their partisans in America. "Hitler," "Nazi" were the more relevant, juicier imprecations brought down on my head. And, of course, all from people who pride themselves on their culture, fair play, democratic tolerance and intellectual ability to discuss any and all issues scientifically, calmly, rationally. Their hatred is a poisonous, noxious thing.
In the time since my election to Israel's Knesset, I have seen hatred and defamation and lies and shrill, irrational, hysterical bile — all within the framework of a stupefying refusal to debate me on any of the issues at hand. I have seen Israel government television and radio rule that Meir Kahane, a Knesset member whom they utterly oppose, be, therefore, not permitted to appear on programs; to have his statements reported; to have his press conferences covered. I have seen yellow-journalism reporting and blatant, deliberate lies all with intent to smear and defame. I have seen the armed forces, whose neutrality and non-political status must be assured in order to unify rather than drive yet another wedge in the fabric of the people, plan a campaign of hate and defamation against Meir Kahane, a Knesset member, forcing soldiers to attend lectures by leftists that drip hatred and poisonous venom. I have seen the official army radio devote an entire day to a non-stop attack on Meir Kahane, a Knesset member, including the damning of his "crime"—seeking to have Jewish Law obeyed in the Jewish State. I have seen the Knesset rules changed more in the space of a year than in the previous 36 of the state, all in order to limit, as much as possible, Meir Kahane, a Knesset number, from exercising his right to speak and to propose legislation. I have seen the Knesset pass a rule that allows the Speaker, on his initiative and without need to defend his action, to refuse to table any bill that he considers "racist" when no definition of racism is provided. I have seen the power used to ban as racist two bills by Meir Kahane that quoted the great Talmudic codifier, Maimonides, word for word! I have seen a bill presented, giving a political committee of the Knesset the right to ban a party as "racist," with racism defined as "causing animosity between sections of the people" —a definition that could ban every party in Israel, every newspaper in Israel, every second person in Israel.
I have seen police arbitrarily refuse to grant permits for our ral-

lies or allow a counter-rally within 30 meters of ours, with a loudspeaker blaring and thousands of whistles drowning out the speech. I have seen unashamed and open appeals to physically prevent Meir Kahane, a Knesset member, from speaking, and I have seen hordes of leftist stormtroopers physically assault Jews. I have seen Knesset members walk out as Meir Kahane, a Knesset member, rose to speak, thus justifying the walkout by Arabs, Communists and Third World states on Israeli speakers in the U.N. whom they consider to be racists because they are Zionists. I have seen liberal, progressive American Jewish Establishment groups join in the lies, the smears, and in the refusals to sit at the same table and debate issues with Meir Kahane, a Knesset member, thus justifying PLO "hardliners" who will not participate in discussions with Zionists. I have seen synagogues and temples who have hosted Arabs and Black anti-Semites refuse to allow Meir Kahane, a Knesset member, to speak. I have seen Jewish Establishments in the United States pressure hotels and halls to cancel contracts for meetings by Meir Kahane, a Knesset member. I have seen Jewish Establishment groups in Canada and Great Britain ask their governments to refuse to allow Meir Kahane, a Knesset member, entry into their country — and they have succeeded. I have seen a joint effort by Israel and the United States to take away the U.S. citizenship of Meir Kahane, a Knesset member, despite the fact that other such Knesset members over the years never were so threatened. I have seen the President of Israel welcome to his residence Communists and pro-PLO Arabs and refuse to do the same for Meir Kahane, a Jewish Zionist Knesset member. I have seen the same president cheerfully attend a national convention of the Israeli Communist Party where a message from Arafat condemning Zionism was read, while refusing to participate in the national convention of the party of Meir Kahane, another Knesset member. I have seen the Prime Minister of Israel say that he does not consider Knesset member Meir Kahane to be part of the Jewish people, thus opening the doors to a host of religious Jews to offer similar exit visas to other Jews.
I have seen the blue-shirted uniformed and uninformed leftist youths of Hashomer Hatzair and Hanoar Haoved, faces twisted in unbelievable ugliness, mouths cursing, arms making obscene gestures even as they threw eggs and rocks at other Jews who backed Kahane. I have seen the season of hate and hypocrisy as those who foam at the mouth over "fanatics" who throw stones over the

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Sabbath throw rocks over "fascism," as those who worship at the altar of democracy attempted to break up a legal meeting and tried to stifle free speech; as those who blast the "rightists" for lack of respect for the law charged a platform which was granted by police permit, lawfully. I have seen murder in the eyes of the leftists, the "mixed multitude" who have infiltrated the Jewishness of the Jewish people and who pollute us with their sick self-hate and hatred of other Jews. I have heard a call to murder Jews, and not a Jewish leader or intellectual or newspaper or liberal humanist cried out! I have seen incitement to murder of Jews, open and hysterical; permission, mobilization, to shed Jewish blood. I have seen Jews walk over to me and say anxiously, with the gravest of concern: Watch yourself, be careful.
I have seen the face of the real fascism and real cruelty and real hate and real vicious animalism, and it is important that you
see it too. For it is the face of gentilized Hebrews who represent
all that is foreign and antithetical to Judaism, and who are driven by a deep pathology to attempt to destroy the source of their existence.
Let there be no mistake. These are the haters, the primordial, visceral haters whose ugliness is a stench that comes from deep in the soul. These are the real fascists, the real killers. They hate and wish to destroy Kahane — but only as a symbol of that which is the target of their ultimate hate. They hate Kahane because they hate Judaism and Jews, and themselves. And there is nothing they will not do in order to wipe out that Kahanism they correctly see as true Judaism, a Judaism that brands their own lives as fraudulent, empty and truly un-Jewish. Concerning these did the rabbis say: "Greater is the hate that an ignoramus has for a scholar than that of a gentile for a Jew." Greater by far; far, far greater. And far more dangerous.
They hate the Sabbath and they hate the laws of Judaism and they hate the yeshivas and they hate the rabbis. And they hate being Jewish and they hate G-d and they hate Zionism and a Jewish state and the need to be different — and they hate Kahane for representing all of this. And they hate the bitter reality of hundreds of thousands supporting and marching for and believing in all the things that they hate, and so they are prepared to use any and all means to destroy the Jews of Jewishness. And the most frightening and dangerous thing is that, in all this ugliness, I have seen and recognized the face of Hatred and Murder Past.

Chapter 2
The Past Is Present
The mayor stood before the crowd and shouted: "Kill them while they are still small!"
No, not some Muslim Shiite fanatic mayor of an Iranian or south Lebanese village. The mayor was the very antithesis of that. He was Yitzhak Yaron of the predominantly leftist town of Givatayim, a Tel Aviv suburb founded by militant proletarians. He was a man of the left, a progressive, a humanist, a profound believer in freedom of expression. He was a man who opposed fanaticism and violence and fascism and hatred —and so, of course, he cried: "Kill them while they are still small."
"Them," were the members of the Kach movement of Meir Kahane. "Them" were gathered in the town of Givatayim for a legal rally, complete with police permit. "Them" were confronted by a group of blue-shirted leftist youths bused in especially for the occasion as Mayor Yaron, assistant cabinet ministers Adi Amorai and Shoshana Arbali-Almozalino and Knesset members rushed up to the platform to attempt to physically stop the legal rally from proceeding. "Them" suddenly found themselves the target of eggs and stones from the leftist, obscenities-shouting mob, and here it was that the progressive-humanist-liberal shouted his immortal words: "Kill them while they are still small!"
That was Givatayim I, in August, 1985, and the obstinate Kach movement insisted on holding yet another rally there the following month. The police permit, granted the week before the rally, brought forth a crusade hardly seen in the country since the days of the Christian upholders of the faith come to liberate the Holy Land from the infidels.
Israel state radio and television all but turned over their facilities to Yaron and a whole host of freedom fighters and progressive humanists, all of whom took to the airwaves to cry: "Come to Givatayim and stop the rally!"
Stop the rally? The legal rally? The rally with a police permit? "But, of course. "Law" is such a subjective thing in the hands of those who cry, "Kill them while they are still small!" It is most

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relative in the hands of progressives and those who create the world in their own image. For them political rights are sacred to all. To all of whom they approve. And they manifestly did NOT approve of Meir Kahane and Kach. Ergo, not only was there a right, but an obligation to stop them and, if at all possible, to indeed kill them while they were still small. . . .
For that is what they came to do. They came by the thousands, mostly members of the kibbutzim, the leftist communal settlements. Hundreds of busses, thousands of people. They came armed. Armed with a hatred that captured their faces, a hatred that one could touch, worse—smell. And they came with rocks and with metal bars. They came in their humanism and their hatred of violence —to hate and to smash. Anyone with a Kach shirt was the target of murderous venom and brutal fists. Anyone who looked religious was beaten. It was indeed a religious crusade out of the Middle Ages. A crusade of the religion of secularism, whose high priests had commanded the faithful to go out to holy war.
As my car drove towards the platform it was surrounded by hundreds of them, cursing, shouting, pounding on the windows, attempting to turn the car over. And then a huge rock smashed the front windshield as the crowd went wild with anticipation. It was only the frantic intervention of the police and border patrol that saved four Jews from being lynched by the apostles of tolerance and coexistence.
And the next day, the newspaper Al Hamishmar, organ of the Mapam Marxist party, carried a gloating article under the heading: "How sweet to see a violent Left ..." And thus spake ZaraProgressive: "It was a sight to gladden the soul to see the leaders of Hashomer Hatzair and Hanoar Haoved [two leftist youth groups] and just ordinary citizens upholders of law and order angrily throwing eggs and stones and brandishing clubs.
"To the holy cannon that sank the Altalena was now added the holy stone, the stone that smashed the windshield of Kahane's
car
The holy stone. And The holy cannon that sank the Altalena. Not one in 100 outside Israel knows what the progressive writer is talking about. But it is most important that everyone know about the Altalena and the "holy cannon" that sank it. For, indeed, without the one it is impossible to understand the "holy stone" in Givatayim. Because a direct link, an historical thread, runs from one to the other. For Givatayim is more than a place. It is a con-

cept. It represents all the hate and capacity for murder that lies in the ideological bosoms of the fascist left. And that is why Givatayim, the concept, becomes the symbol of what Jews can do to
other Jews.
The sea turned red off the coast of Tel Aviv that bright, sunlit Tune day in 1948. It ran red with the blood of 20 Jews — murdered by Tews. Twenty Jews from the ship Altalena. Twenty Jews murdered by the ideological forefathers of Givatayim. It was June 22, 1948, and the government of the State of Israel, led by the leftists of Givatayim—the—Idea, did indeed murder 20 Jews in cold blood. The ones who gave the orders and those who carried them out were, overwhelmingly, from the same groups that today so foam at the mouth against "Kahanism," so eagerly plant the same seeds of blind hatred, and so impatiently prepare to sow the same kind of murder of Jews.
The Jews who were murdered on that June, 1948, day were members of Menachem Begin's underground group, the Irgun Zvai Leumi. They were on a ship that was the product of years of agonizing efforts and which, together with its precious cargo of arms, was worth a small fortune. The ship was called the Altalena, after the pseudonym of the late Zionist leader, Zev Jabotinsky. It was an American military LST, purchased as surplus by the Irgun's Hebrew Committee for a Free Palestine, and commanded by a U.S. Navy veteran named Monroe Fein. At Marseilles it had been loaded with 5000 Lee-Enfeld rifles, five million rounds of ammunition, 250 Bren machine guns, 50 cannon, 1,000 grenades, 400 aerial bombs, nine tanks, 50 anti-tank guns, tons of medical equipment and more than 900 trained soldiers.
The new Israeli provisional government, composed of leftists led by David Ben-Gurion and his Mapai Labor Party, was notified of the arrival of the ship and agreed not only to its arrival, but to the disposition of the weapons — 80 percent to the regular army and 20 percent to the Irgun, which would then disband and become part of the army. The ship and its arms were a godsend to a tiny state that was attacked by seven Arab armies, that was rapidly running out of weapons and whose Jerusalem was under siege, surrounded by bands of hostile Arabs. But the hate, the psychopathic hate of the leftists — driven by the need to crush any opposition that threatened their grip on power — overcame reason, logic, and love of Jews and state.
Menachem Begin, the "Kahane" of his time, was on board and the leftists determined to liquidate him and crush for all time the

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Irgun and its potential for taking power from the spiritual bolsheviks.
As the ship lay at anchor off Tel Aviv's Frishman Street, David Ben-Gurion, darling of the Hadassah and UJA set, together with the army's Chief of Staff Yigal Yadin and a man named Yitzhak Rabin — later to become Prime Minister and Defense Minister of the State of Israel — gave orders to fire on Jews. To murder them.
Here are the words of Navy Commander Monroe Fein: "The ship continued to receive heavy firing from the shore for a period of about one and a half hours. Some of the heavy machine guns ashore were using armour-piercing ammunition which passed right through steel bulkheads of the ship. This fact began to cause numerous casualties. We had no doctor on board and some of our casualties were very seriously wounded. We contacted the army command and requested a cease-fire in order to allow us to remove the wounded men from the ship. We arranged that we would use our own LCVP for this purpose. . . .
"During this time one of them [the wounded] died. One hour and a half later, and after repeated requests, there was still no sign of any boat. At this time, we were suddenly taken under fire by a large gun which was located on the coast to the north of the city. This gun fired three shots, all of which passed over the ship and exploded in the water beyond. . . .
"During this time I conferred with the commander-in-chief of the Irgun and told him that if the gunfire should hit the ship, the ship, the cargo and possibly a good many lives would be lost and that he should at all costs maintain the cease-fire order until there could be further negotiations. This he agreed to do, but as he himself came up to talk on the radio to the headquarters ashore, the heavy gun resumed firing.
"As soon as the gun started a second time, I struck the flag as a sign of surrender. We again inquired of the Palmach commander whether the cease-fire order was in effect and the reply came that the cease-fire order was in effect but that he had been 'unable to contact all fronts.' Within a few seconds after this message was received, there was a direct hit on the ship which started a large fire in the cargo hold. The ship's crew made immediate and valiant efforts to put out this fire, but because of the nature of the cargo it proved beyond our capacity and I ordered all men aboard to prepare to abandon the ship.
"The first thought all of us had was to remove the wounded men. There was no panic. Everyone behaved in an extremely

calm and heroic manner. As the men began jumping off the ship and swimming towards the shore, those of us still on board saw that they were being shot at continuously from rifles and machine-guns on the beach. I rushed to the bridge and began waving a white flag and shouting to stop the fire on the men who were swimming for their lives. At the same time another man hoisted a large piece of white canvas on the halyard, but these efforts were of little avail, as the firing continued." (From the book, Days of Fire, by Shmuel Katz, W.H. Allen, London, 1968.)
The sea turned red off the coast of Tel Aviv that day. It ran red with blood, Jewish blood, Jewish blood shed by Jews—in cold blood. Twenty Jews died that day, some shot as they swam to safety. It remained for Ben-Gurion to add the obscene to the criminal. Addressing the Provisional State Council, the interim Parliament, the following day, he declared: "Blessed be the cannon that blew up the ship. It should be enshrined in the Third Temple of the Jewish people."
Obscene? Of course, but hardly as obscene as the gleeful remembrance of it—37 years later! —by a descendant of the fascist left who, naked of all decency and Jewishness, chortled not only over the murder of 20 fellow Jews in 1948 but over the desire to murder more, less than four decades later.
This is the reality of the Hellenized, gentilized Hebrews who took their East European socialism and hunger for power and cruelly set about the job of murdering Jews. And it was hardly the first such horror. There is more.
The same Ben-Gurion, head not only of Labor but of the Yishuv, the Jewish community in Eretz Yisrael known then as "Palestine," addressed the Histadrut Convention in Tel Aviv on November 22, 1944. The Histadrut was the ingenious Labor monopoly-conglomerate-industry owner, trade union, and political power all in one. The Histadrut was the economic barrel of the gun from which came leftist political power. And on that November day, Ben-Gurion was furious and frightened. The Irgun and the Fighters for the Freedom of Israel, whom he derisively called the "Stern Gang," had made some incredibly daring attacks on the British, gaining the hearts and support of tens of thousands of Jews in the land. They were the heirs of the hated Jabotinsky movement (of which we will hear more a bit later), and posed a threat to the minds, hearts and political-economic power which Ben-Gurion was determined never to lose, at any price. And so he spoke to his leftist comrades and Hellenists and

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declared war on Jews. He announced the start of a crusade that has become known as "The Season," the hunting season, the season of hunting down Jews. And thus spake the leader of the ethical, moralist, democratic, gentilized Hebrews:
"The time for action has arrived. Words have no influence— they are blank bullets. We have decided to vomit them out of our midst. Let those words, 'vomit them out of our midst,' not be empty phrases. The terrorists are not influenced by phrases. . . . The gangs are now waiting what will come out of this convention. The demand to vomit them out of our midst must be translated into a language of deeds by every one of us. ... We must suppress in our hearts every personal feeling—let them not preach piety to us. Let every boy or girl be taught by our Youth Organizations that if the gangs come asking money of their fathers and mothers, he or she (the children) must immediately notify the proper authority. And if they don't know any other address, let them go to the (British) police. . . .
"Since the British government and police are intent on exterminating the terror, we are collaborating with them — to that extent. . . . Without helping the British government and without its help we shall not uproot this contagious disease. I repudiate the kindness which was justified in other times. In our circumstances this is a twisted kindness, a kindness of fools. . . . There is no neutrality between us and terrorism. Either terrorist gangs or an organized Jewry—there is no escape from the alternative."
The leftist moralists did more than speak. They did, indeed, act in the spirit of their sickness. Special units of the Haganah, the "defense" organization, were set up to kidnap Irgun soldiers. One of the heads of these special units of Jewish shame was the man who later became Jerusalem's mayor, Teddy Kollek, yet another darling of the "Jewt" (Jewish jet) set. Jews of the Irgun and Sternists were taken to kibbutzim where they were tortured in an effort to extract information from them. One youngster, 17-year-old Yediya Siegal, died as a result of the torture. Sympathizers with the Irgun were fired from jobs and youngsters were thrown out of school. It was Hellenistic totalitarianism at its most obscene. And they are the same; the same who, today, shout of Jewish values and morality, even as their faces are twisted in a hate that goes back to "The Season."
And there is more.
The American Jewish leadership is famous for its liberalism and

dedication to free speech (and they are endlessly prepared to so 'inform anyone who inquires about it). Indeed, many are the Arabs, leftists and other "lovers of Zion" who have found shelter under the umbrella of Jewish Establishment liberalism and ideological largesse. But as with all things in this finite world, the liberal umbrella is certainly not unlimited. And the perimeter of its limits coincides, not too remarkably, precisely with that of liberal sympathy. And so, the same Jewish leader who revels in the euphoria of tolerance and democracy and free expression for all who do not endanger his views and his calm, contented existence, becomes a raging, braying beast as he rushes to prevent the "fascist" and the "fanatic" from speaking, writing, and —if possible —existing.
The year was 1935. Zionist leader Zev Jabotinsky was arriving from Europe in America. Zev Jabotinsky was what the genteel, gentile press would describe as "controversial and militant." Zev Jabotinsky was described by the snarling Jewish internal press as a fascist, Hitlerite demogogue and murderer. Needless to say, not one in a hundred of the American Jewish leaders, flunkies or writers had ever heard Jabotinsky speak or read a single essay of his. No matter. The Jewish Establishment, from time immemorial, possessed sensitive antennae capable of instantly recognizing one who was dangerous to its grip on power. This, in turn, led to a conditioned reflex: the use of every weapon of hate, calumny, filth and lie to disparage, crush and destroy him.
And so, Jabotinsky came to America to speak to Jews. To explain the disastrous policy of official Zionist cooperation with the British and of "self-restraint" (read Pacifism) against murderous Arab attacks. To cry out for a militant policy and demand that the Zionist movement openly declare that its goal was an independent Jewish State (incredibly, Weizmann and Ben-Gurion refused because of fear of British reaction), to appeal for understanding of his cry for emergency Jewish evacuation from Europe before the terrible flood of fire and holocaust. The "libercrites," the liberal hypocrites, who sin as Zimri and demand the reward of Phineas, began a campaign of defamation, smear and threats whose purpose was to prevent as many Jews as possible from going to hear Jabotinsky.
Not a single Jewish leader, of course, dared to deal with the issues. Instead, every possible Jewish force was marshalled to fling as much filth as possible. The first big gun to be wheeled out was Albert Einstein, genius of Physics, whose Theory of Relativity
was

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most profoundly proven as he proceeded to demonstrate that genius in Physics and asininity in political and ideological thinking are, indeed, most relative.
Einstein warned the American Student Zionist Federation, known as Avukah, "against the sirens of Jabotinsky and his Revisionist followers who are as much a danger to our youth as Hitler-ism is to German youth." No less! An impressively cool and well-reasoned statement from the genius of logical physics.
The libercrites were of course delighted at this blend of hatred and nonsense and got Einstein to issue a statement to The New York Times which accused Jabotinsky and his movement of seeking "to exploit the people and deprive them of their rights. The state of mind fed by Revisionism is the most serious obstacle in the way of our peaceful and friendly cooperation with the Arab people who are racially our kin." Indeed. And, indeed, a remarkably familiar theme. . . .
The students, as expected, were used by the Establishment as the main thrust of the lance against Jabotinsky. The Avukah Bulletin of November 1934 accused Jabotinsky's movement of fascinating sins, "from murder and the use of knives in Poland and Palestine. ..." Of course, youth is unfortunately volatile and most unstable, and a rebellious Manhattan chapter of Avukah went against the party line and organized a Jabotinsky lecture. This outrageous display of liberal independence and affirmation of the right of Jewish expression was immediately punished by the feudal barons who ran (run!) the docile Jewish community. The chapter and its chairman, Isadore Solkoff, were expelled. The National President of Avukah, Selig S. Harris, a young man who understood quite well that one gets ahead by pleasing the barons, wrote a letter of explanation (March 20, 1935) saying:
"Free speech is all very nice but I think that Fascism by its very nature denies itself the right to ask of Democracy free speech."
Ah, how quaintly clever the liberal totalitarian mind. Having stated the axiom that "fascism" has no right to demand freedom of democracy, all that remains is to describe anyone whom we oppose as being a "fascist!"
In the monthly Opinion, the official magazine of the American Jewish Congress, published by James Waterman-Wise (son of Dr. Stephen Wise, doyen of American Zionism), an article appeared entitled, "Vladmir Jabotinsky—An Appraisal." It was somewhat less than that. Objective critics might have called it a piece of character assassination worthy of the talents of liberal-humanist

intellectuals. He was merely called "a man-hater, a reactionary, militarist, vainglorious demogogue" whose Revisionist group destroys the Jewish youth of Poland so that "their minds became distorted with a hatred for all that is idealistic in Zionism, and they became a bastard organization which sends brown-shirted soldiers to Zionist Congresses."
And with the propaganda ground laid out (241 Reform rabbis signed an anti-Jabotinsky ad on January 27, 1935), more practical means were now begun to ruin the Jabotinsky visit. The Jabotinsky Reception Committee, a group of individuals from various Jewish groups, now became the target of the libercrite feudal barons. Opinion called on its members to resign and the Revisionist organ, Our Voice, sadly wrote that, "In certain out-of-town places, methods of coercion have been employed—threats have been made to deprive physicians of their patients, storekeepers and professions of part of their clientele."
And, of course, the Pope of American Zionism, Stephen Wise —the man who during the Holocaust years refused to jeopardize his master-dog relation with Franklin Roosevelt by leading militant demonstrations to demand the bombing of the extermination camps and the rail lines leading to them —now joined in the chorus of baying liberal hounds. In a speech in March, 1935, at New York's Carnegie Hall, Wise declared that "under the leadership of Mr. Jabotinsky, Revisionism is a menace to the security of the people of Israel and dangerous to the future of Zionism ... a peril to the Jewish people and to the dearest and holiest hope of the Jewish people."
Wise blasted Revisionism saying that it was "becoming a species of fascism in Yiddish or in Hebrew (neither of which Wise, the "rabbi," could speak), adding, "if Revisionism prevails, we shall within a few years have fascistic labor armies more Germanico in Palestine." He attacked Jabotinsky for aspiring for an "Arabless Palestine" (and what strange echoes of the Wise man redound through the ages) as well as for a philosophy of militarism when the whole tradition of the Jewish people is against militarism" (thus effectively excommunicating the Maccabees, Bar Kochba, King David, the Judges and, of course, Moses, who failed to petition the Egyptian he saw smiting the Jew). And then Wise added: "Democracy and liberalism are almost as precious to me as the of Jewish people." Of course, Wise was less than straightfor-
ward. Democracy and liberalism were much more important to than the Jewish people and he said it best when he declared:

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"A fascist and undemocratic Jewish State in Palestine would to me be an abomination to be destroyed."
No other reply could surpass Jabotinsky's. He quietly said: "Dr. Wise has one great quality: he says what he thinks. But he has great defect: he does not think. . . ."
But America remained a varitable sea of Jewish tolerance compared to the European and Eretz Yisrael leftists, born to gentilization and nurtured in the psychopathic hate of the Exile. The leftist-haters, already blooded by their murder of the Jew, Dehan (patience, dear reader, we will come to that in good time), organized a broad umbrella group against Jabotinsky and the Revisionists, which incited to hate, attacks and worse. In a statement in the summer of 1934 the coalition, made up of the Socialist leftists, Paolei Zion, Hashomer Hatzair, Hapoel, Hechalutz and the General Zionists of Yitzhak Grinbaum, stated: "Whoever is still concerned about the fate of Zionism must shake himself clear of the Revisionist past. No intercourse whatever with Revisionism. Let our motto be: 'Expel the Revisionist gangs from Jewish life!'" Yet another leaflet, this one from the leftist Hechalutz group was a vicious personal slander and character assassination of Jabotinsky describing him as a "bloodthirsty beast" and "a man with a dark past." Shades of our days!
Jabotinsky's followers, knowing full well the nature of the Jewish leftist beast, pleaded with him to hire a bodyguard. He adamantly refused and only after determined badgering did he agree —for two weeks —to have a husky Jew named Kuliawy protect him.
The Zionist left in Europe determined to stop Jabotinsky in every way possible. Gangs of leftist humanists, dedicated to proletarian brotherhood and love of Arabs, attempted to physically disrupt Jabotinsky's speeches and to attack him. In the summer of 1933, an angry mob, incited by the leftist groups and Jewish news media, stoned him as he went to the lecture hall in the Polish city of Brest Litowsk. In Kovno (Kaunas), capital of Lithuania, a coalition of leftists composed of Paolei Zion, the Bund, Folspartei and Communists, attacked Jabotinsky's car as it arrived at the hall where he was to speak. About thirty meters from the entrance rocks began to fly and suddenly a large stone smashed the windshield of Jabotinsky's car, injuring the driver. Jabotinsky walked the remaining distance, surrounded by members of his Betar youth organization who protected him from the howling mob that shouted: "Murderer! Stop him! Here he is;

stop him!" During the lecture the wild mob threw a hail of rocks on the iron roof of the hall.
The "democratic character" of the leftist-liberal-humanists rose to the surface during the Eighteenth Zionist Congress in 1933, a Congress in which, Jabotinsky's biographer, Joseph B. Schechtman, writes, Jabotinsky "felt almost physically affected by the cold, intense hatred and scorn surrounding him and his colleagues in the Revisionist delegation. The entire atmosphere was permeated by a deliberate tendency to isolate and humiliate the Jabotinsky-led Revisionst faction." (Fighter and Prophet, Thomas Yoseloff, London (1961).)
The humiliation and baring of leftist-humanist-democratic fangs came about at this "congress" controlled by Labor, when in the election of a Praesidium, the tradition of including all the parties was broken when Labor stated that "there is in this hall a party, together with which Eretz Yisrael Labor refuses to sit on the Praesidium." Jabotinsky and the Revisionists were excluded.
When the first Revisionist speaker rose to address the convention, the Labor Zionists set a precedent for the Arabs and Third World UN states, by demonstratively walking out. But the depths of Zionist totalitarian realism were seen in the "debate" over the murder of Labor Zionist leader Chaim Arlosoroff that year.
Arlosoroff had been murdered while walking on the Tel Aviv sand dunes and, despite the fact that Arabs had been attacking Jews regularly during that period, the leftists erupted in an hysterical charge that the Revisionists were the murderers. Three Jabotinsky followers were arrested by the British and after a long and desperate campaign by Jabotinsky, aided by the late Chief Rabbi Avraham Kook, all were acquitted. All during that terrible summer of 1933, the liberal-leftist-humanists, committed to ethical qualities such as "innocent until proven guilty," embarked on an unbelievable witchhunt. Jabotinsky followers were attacked, vilified, thrown out of work. And at the convention, the Laborites pushed through a resolution which condemned, in barely-concealed innuendos, the Revisionists for "tendencies that are contrary to the fundamental principles of Jewish ethics," and which called "to eradicate from the Zionist movement any elements who are guilty or responsible for such tendencies."
When Jabotinsky sought to present a statement of declaration opposed to the official one, the Praesidium ruled that only such declarations could be read as it regarded "admissible"! No discussion was allowed. It was a precedent that, some 50 years later, the

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Knesset of Israel would cheerily adapt.
The ugly face of the totalitarians of the left. A face and hands that did not stop even at the murder of those they politically opposed. And there are those who remember Jacob de Haan.
Jacob de Haan was a troubled man, torn and tossed by a stormy soul. Born in Holland, the son of a cantor, he fled his Jewishness and, as with so many young Jewish intellectuals, sought meaning against his rootlessness in the secular religions of socialism and anarchism (even for a while, flirting with Christianity). His divorce from Judaism appeared complete when he married a non-Jewish doctor. None of this, however, gave him the solace he so needed and his agony grew even as rumors of his homosexuality began to be heard. They were denied, but persisted.
And then, through a process that none will ever be able to define, he returned to his people and became an observant Jew. More, Zionism became a beacon to him and, in 1918, he left his family and went to the Land of Israel where, again, he began a search for a tranquility that always eluded him. The religious community of the Land was divided between those who accepted Zionism and, within its context, sought to build a religious Jewish state, and the anti-Zionist observant Jews who saw the secular Zionist movement as a threat to Judaism and who condemned as a sin against G-d the effort to create a Jewish state without waiting for the Messianic era.
De Haan was attracted to the religious anti-Zionist movement and offered them a writing and publicity talent they badly needed. He began sending anti-Zionist reports to the general, non-Jewish press and even pro-Arab memoranda to international and British Mandatory agencies. But when he began to establish ties with the Arabs, including the Hashemite family of the Hejaz and later Jordan, he won the undying enmity of Zionist leaders and organizations. Threats were made on his life, threats that he ignored. He underestimated his enemies. As his bitterly unpopular views burgeoned into closer ties with the opponents of a Jewish Zionism, a decision was made to eliminate him. In the early evening hours of June 30, 1934, as Jacob de Haan left a small synagogue near Jerusalem's Shaarei Zedek Hospital, two men gunned him down. That was the first Jewish political murder in the Land of Israel in modern times.
But the murderers of the Jew were more than Jews. They were members of the official defense organization, Haganah, and one of the killers was a top Haganah Jerusalem official, Avraham

Tahomi. More to the point, however, is the fact that the order to assassinate a Jew, a decision of monumental gravity, was given by the Haganah political high command in Jerusalem, headed by a man who would later become the second President of the State of Israel, Yitzhak Ben Tzvi, and his wife, the poetess Rahel Yanait. No matter how obnoxious or abhorrent de Haan's views may have been, the coldly planned murder of a Jew by the official leftist leadership of the Jewish community was an outrage of monumental proportions, and the fact that not one in ten thousand Jews has ever heard of the incident, is testimony to the power of the established Jewish authorities and their news media to prevent and bury ugly truth when they so desire. It remains only to contrast the planned, calculated murder of De Haan by the highest echelons of the left, with the murder of a Peace Now activist, Emil Grunzweig, in Jerusalem in 1983. Oceans could not hold the flood of words, articles and moral outbursts by the left after the latter incident, despite the fact that the accused killer was an individual, with no membership in any organization, who took the action solely on his own volition. None of that prevented the leftist-dominated news media from embarking on an orgy of witch-hunting and Jewish flagellation not seen since the previous year's exhibition of Jewish masochism over the Christian massacre of Moslems in Beirut.
Let history record that the first brutal Jewish political murder in the Land of Israel of modern times was coldly and politically planned by the top leadership of the left and that one of the planners is immortalized today after having been elected as President of the Jewish State. Woe unto the political tyrants who honor murderers of Jews for, surely, that guarantees the repeating of the process every time yet another Jew threatens their narrow interests.
There is hardly a Jew in Israel who doubts that the Israeli authorities are totally capable of political murder should they feel so threatened, should they perceive Meir Kahane as achieving mass political strength. That is the reason why at every rally there are Jews who nervously whisper, "Shmore al atzmicha," "Watch yourself . . ."
And if the history of the Jewish left reeks of physical liquidation of those whom they perceive to be threats to their political power, let it be known that the worst of their crimes was the spiritual holocaust perpetrated upon the Jews of Arab lands, who poured into the country beginning in 1948. How little the average Jew

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outside of Israel knows about that! How important it is that he learn about the unholy tragedy that took place in the Holy Land even as the spiritual murderers boasted of their "ingathering of the Exiles."
The humanists and progressives, the leftists of Israel, unabashedly set themselves up as the high priests of ethics, democracy and other such sugar and spice and everything nice. These are the cloaks in which they sanctimoniously garb themselves in their war against Kahane.
One stands in utter awe, almost compelled to salute the sheer arrogance of people who speak of morality, Jewish values and democracy after what they did to the Sephardic Jews, those who came to Israel from the Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa. The very same parties, groups, in many cases individuals, who deliberately and ruthlessly destroyed hundreds of thousands of these Jews in order to insure their political and ideological hegemony, today have the gall to condemn "Kahanism" in the name of morality, democracy and Jewish (sic) values!
The tragedy is, of course, that thanks to the stranglehold that Jewish leaders in both Israel and the Exile have on Jewish news media, the real story is simply not known. Indeed, thanks to the Establishment feudal barony, the story of the emigration of Jews from Arab countries to Israel has become a legend of magic carpet, pure and noble, and one of the truly great fund-raising tools for the United Jewish Appeal and Israel Bonds. The truth is quite different. The truth is mirrored in a youngster called Mordechai.
I first met him in what passes for the dining room in the Jerusalem police detention center. He looked to be no more than ten (I was to learn later that he was 14); tiny, thin with large, sad —so sad —eyes staring out of the pinched little face. He sat among the others, some his age, most older than he, a weak little smile on his face as the shouts for food rose from his table.
He was there awaiting removal to an "institution." He had been involved in various minor crimes and the authorities felt that he needed the discipline of an institution. Home for Mordechai was one of the "distressed neighborhoods" in Jerusalem (as they are known here). Home was a 2 1/2 room flat occupied by a father, who drank a great deal and regularly engaged in loud and angry arguments with the mother. She was the main crutch for the family, working as well as keeping house for the six children, two of whom were no longer home, serving jail sentences in Ramie and Tel Mond prisons, respectively. A sister, 17, had just had an abor-

tion the indirect compliment of an Arab she met in a Zion Square disco one night.
And home was the Jerusalem neighborhood, a former Arab area that had been settled after the 1948 war by new immigrants, mostly from North Africa. It regularly produced more than its share of criminals for Israel's prison system and drugs and violence were a regular part of its life.
Little Mordechai, who did not know it, was already doomed to a hopeless life of crime and violence, of prisons and arrests. He would acquire a broken heart even as he would break the hearts of others. Mordechai was going to an institution, the next stage in his descent to crime and hopelessness. In the institution, Mordechai would meet dozens of other Mordechais, each with his own need to show toughness and strength —the main measure of value in that society. He would learn more about crime than he knew before; would either submit to physical and mental degradations or endure regular beatings; would be in the hands of "counselors," the majority of whom were both unqualified and disinterested in helping the children; would be punished for offenses, run away and be returned. He would "graduate" —a child no longer, but rather a twisted youth, hurt and ready to hurt back, whose values would forever be shaped by the fundamental rule, "Get as much as possible without being caught."
There were tens of graduates of the institutions with me when I sat in the Ramie maximum security prison, courtesy of an "administrative arrest," yet another strange manifestation of "democracy," liberal-humanist-leftist style.
(For those who are unfamiliar with an "administrative arrest," it is an order signed by the Defense Minister which allows a person to be jailed for six months at a time without benefit of trial and without being informed of the charges. Clearly another example of "democratic Jewish values," as conceived by the Israel secular humanists who so oppose "Kahanism.")
The prisoners in Ramie and those of every other prison in Israel are eager testifiers to the criminal educational system through which they are passed. They are the Mordechais, ten, fifteen years afterwards. If the "institution" is the elementary school in the system, then Mordechai will inevitably be arrested and sent to the secondary school —the Tel Mond prison for youth, a hotbed of sadism and homosexuality. It has an unmatched record in the number of its graduates who continue on to the prison "universities" of Ramie, Beersheva, Shata and Damon.

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Mordechai's cot already awaits him.
Mordechai, his home, his neighborhood, are more than specific entities. They are concepts that symbolize hundreds of thousands of Israelis living in thousands of homes in hundreds of urban neighborhoods, development towns, and moshavim (villages) in the Jewish state. For Mordechai is one of the huge number of Sephardic Jews who represent the greatest failure of, the greatest crime of, and the greatest danger to, the State of Israel.
In Mordechai is the example, par excellence, of the bankruptcy of secular Zionism, a political (and often socio-economic) ideology whose dream was to make the Jewish people a "normal" nation. Looked at from one aspect, the effort was a rousing success. If one measures normalcy in terms of all the social evils that beset every gentile nation, then secular Zionism succeeded brilliantly. Israel today is a state with a rampant drug problem, a spiralling crime rate with ever-increasing "hard" offenses such as murder, severe assault and rape; vandalism and extortion by school children against property and fellow students; an alarmingly large number of prostitutes; hard-core pornography and one of the largest rates of children born out of wedlock and abortions in the world.
The overwhelming majority of the criminals, prostitutes, drug pushers and drug addicts are Sephardic Jews. They are the victims of secular Zionism's "normalcy." They are the results of what can only be called the criminally deliberate efforts by the secular Zionist leaders (overwhelmingly European, socialist, progressive and anti-tradition) to secularize more than 700,000 Jewish immigrants from Arab lands.
When pointing to Mordechai, the ones who made him so invariably cite "poverty" as the culprit. Clearly, it is easier to seize upon that than to have to face up to one's own crimes, an admission that carries with it an excruciating realization that one's personal philosophy and beliefs are failures. For it is certainly poverty that created Mordechai and all the others like him. But not the material poverty that the socialists and politicians and the left so eagerly indict and that the neighborhood activists see as the cause of their plight.
The slum dwellers in Jerusalem surely lived in worse housing and under more frightful material conditions in Yemen, Morocco, Libya and Kurdistan. But one would have to strain his research to discover Jewish murder, rape and prostitution in those lands. In the slums of the Meah-Shearim religious quarter one also finds

tiny, cramped apartments populated by large families woefully in need of material items. For some reason, drugs, prostitution and criminals do not come from that poverty. No, those who created Mordechai and those whose secularism created the State of Mordechai would prefer to blame material poverty, but the reality lies elsewhere.
The bitter truth is that Mordechai and a hundred thousand like him are victims of a spiritual and values poverty. And it is a poverty that was deliberately created for reasons of political power.
It is beyond dispute that the Sephardic Jews who poured into Israel beginning in 1948 were overwhelmingly religious Jews. Close to 2,000 years of exile and a millenia under Moslem rule could not shake the deep religious faith of these Jews. Neither discrimination, nor persecution, nor persistent and often desperate poverty shook their belief in and practice of Judaism. Adherence to their faith created the high moral standards, the tightly-knit families and firm values that precluded moral and social degeneracy. It also, of course, kept them Zionists, in the real and original sense of the term—Jews who looked upon the return to Zion as a religious destiny, and who daily prayed for the opportunity to fulfill it.
History will record the heartbreaking truth that what the Moslems could not do in a thousand years, the secular Zionist Establishment in the Jewish State was able to accomplish in less than 25. Hundreds of thousands of Sephardic Jews who came to Israel wealthy in values and tradition, deeply Jewish and Zionist, were turned into spiritual paupers as the result of a deliberate policy of the secular Labor government of the new state.
The founders of political Zionism were overwhelmingly secularist, Western-oriented and determined to create a "new" Hebrew nation, free of antiquated religious ties. As the Jewish settlement in the land grew through the 1920's and 30's, the Zionist leader tended to be more and more a laborite, a socialist, as the workers' Parties gained in strength. They, in classic socialist terms, were at east negative to religion, and it was they who controlled the government and life in the new state.
It was a pitifully small country, with barely 600,000 Jews on the day of independence, and it had not only been created to gather in the exiles, but needed those exiles in order to survive. And the exiles came. Not from America or Canada or South Africa or Australia or Western Europe. Aside from remnants of the sur-

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vivors of Hitler's Holocaust, the overwhelming majority of the immigrants were Sephardic Jews, impelled by a Zionism that needed neither Herzl nor Ben-Gurion for legitimacy. This was the Zionism that had preceded the secularists and socialists by some 1800 years, carried by religious Jews who, three times daily, prayed to heaven: "And may our eyes behold Thy return to Zion in mercy. ..."
By the hundreds of thousands they returned to Zion, propelled by a naive belief that their arrival in Eretz Yisrael —the Land of Israel —meant their arrival in a Jewish State. It was hardly that, for the political, secular Zionists rather intended a State of Jews, and the difference was enormous. Indeed, that difference was so clear to the leaders of Israel that they understood exactly the danger that the Sephardic immigrants posed to the secular State of Jews which they sought to build.
In reality, there were two dangers. Here were masses of Jews, whose birthrate was much higher than that of the "enlightened" Europeans, pouring into an Israel that was pledged to equality and democracy. These people represented everything that contradicted what the progressive secularists sought. They were religious, the Israeli leaders were not. They would seek a society that was traditional, the Israeli leaders wanted a modern, secular state. They would expect religious law—the same that they had followed for centuries in the Exile —to, naturally, shape the state in Eretz Yisrael. This was anathema to the European-born leaders of Israel, not only the Marxist and other socialists, but also the middle-class liberals and intelligentsia.
On the other hand, these new immigrants posed a distinct threat to the political hegemony of Labor. Here was a huge bloc of citizens. For whom would they vote? It was more than reasonable to assume that eventually they would follow one or another of the religious parties, or a nationalist one. The thought was a nightmarish one to the Israeli leaders who had already taken steps to deal with more minor threats in the past.
Thus, for example, in the terrible pre-holocaust 1930's, with European Jewry desperate to escape to Eretz Yisrael (then the British-ruled "Palestine"), legal migration was limited to the number of entry certificates issued by the British. These certificates —which meant life to the recipients —were given to the heads of the Jewish Yishuv (community) in Eretz Yisrael to distribute as they saw fit. These leaders, essentially the same as those who later took control of the new state, blatantly discriminated

against religious Jewry. The Agudat Israel party in Poland, religious Jewry's largest and one that could easily claim the allegiance of almost half of Polish Jewry, was limited to 6 percent of the certificates. The right-wing Revisionists and Betar groups, the deadly political enemies of the socialist groups, were treated even more brutally, with certificates almost never finding their way into their hands. If the secular laborites did not plot the destruction of the nationalist and religious Jewry, their deliberate policy of blocking their entry to the Land of Israel resulted m precisely that.
During the war years, the same determined policy to defeat — by any means —any religious growth in the land, was manifested in the case of what has come to be known as "The Children of Teheran." These were youngsters from all over Eastern Europe who had escaped the Nazi terror and had been gathered up by the Jewish Agency (the representatives of the Jewish community in Eretz Yisrael). They were taken to Teheran, capital of Iran, where they lived in a special center. Overwhelmingly religious, they were subjected to pressure, coercion and other efforts to rid them of their religious convictions and practices. The efforts were largely successful, since it is difficult for children, some as young as eight and nine, to withstand constant derision, punishment and other forms of adult pressure. Now in 1948, faced with a far greater danger to their views and political power, the secular, socialist Zionists brutally embarked on essentially the same solution.
A deliberate, ruthless campaign to spiritually destroy Sephardic Jews through the brutal use of governmental force and coercion, in manners so reminiscent of totalitarian, police states, was planned and launched by the same leftists and "progressives" who today bellow and belch forth their orchestrated attacks on Kahanism." Those who today din into our ears the cries of "morality, Jewish values and democracy" were guilty of the crudest and most ruthless campaign of spiritual genocide against fellow Jews.
The newly arrived immigrants were awed by the immense change in their lives wrought by their sudden removal from Moslem lands to modern societies, so different in every way — Politically, economically, religiously, culturally, socially. They were placed in transit camps that were physically controlled by the leftist officials of the ruling Mapai and Mapam secular-socialist parties. There, their lives were scrupulously dominated by these officials, who barred almost all contact between the

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newly arrived immigrants and religious and nationalist representatives of Israeli groups. Police were literally brought in to enforce the isolation of the Sephardic Jews in order to ensure the spiritual genocide that aimed at destroying the centuries-old religious-national way of life of these hundreds of thousands of immigrants who threatened the political hegemony of the secular left.
The key weapon was employment, or the threat of withholding work from those immigrants who did not cooperate with the authorities. And so, those who sought employment were asked: "Are you a member of the Histadrut?" Those who were not were simply not given jobs. Those who did join, under the crude pressure and extortion, found themselves locked into a political-economic-social complex which demanded that they vote a certain way if they wished to retain their jobs. And the threat of no employment was also a part of a brutal blackmail and extortion used against families who sought to send their children to state religious schools. Jobs were withheld from fathers, and towns were told that employment and funds for needed services would be allocated on the basis of their school enrollments. Religious schools and teachers were often the target of physical violence by government-paid hoodlums. Let those who today, in Israel, speak of "religious coercion," know what religious genocide means.
Time and space simply do not suffice here to detail the specific tragedies that occurred (such a thing should be produced for public enlightenment in detailed book form). But who can overlook the brutal deception of Youth Aliyah which brought tens of thousands of young Sephardic Jews to the Land of Israel? Almost all were religious and their families were convinced that they would be placed in a religious environment. Instead, they were sent to irreligious and anti-religious institutions and frameworks, such as kibbutzim of the Marxist Hashomer Hatzair, where short shrift was made of their millenia-old religious traditions. Saddest of all, in this connection, was the spiritual destruction of thousands of Yemenite children, unanimously religious, who naively arrived in the Land with their payot (earlocks) and Shabbat (Sabbath) and were quickly shorn of both.
And all the time, the left totalitarians kept their grip on the private lives of the Sephardic Jews. Cultural and social life was given over to secular, anti-religious counsellors whose job was to "transform" at least the younger Sephardim. And all this with a "philosophy" that justified spiritual genocide by rationalizing: "Religion was needed for the Exile. Here in Israel one can be a

Jew without it. . . ."
The bottom line, the great lesson to be learned from the spiritual destruction of Jews in Israel, is that it was a deliberate, cyni-
cal ruthless effort by hypocrites who revel in attacking others for their lack of "morality, ethics, Jewish values and democracy." It is they, the leftists and progressives of Israel, the liberals and humanists, who are so riddled with hate of Judaism, who are so ensnared in their lust for power, that they stop at nothing. If the rabbis tell us that "one who condemns speaks of his own blemish," the proof is blatantly clear for all to see in the State of Israel. Brutal politicians, gripped by a totalitarian mentality, coldly and ruthlessly set about to use every weapon of rightist and leftist fascism to destroy people.
Within twenty years, no one could doubt the success of the secularist. Hundreds of thousands of young Sephardim, conditioned by their modern "enlightened" Ashkenazi teachers, counsellors, media and leaders to look upon the religion of their parents —and their parents themselves—as "primitive," dropped their Judaism. Aboard the new Jewish ship of state, they jettisoned the spiritual baggage of ages. Overboard went the Sabbath, kashrut, prayers, study, laws and obligations. "This year we are free men; this year in Jerusalem." The secular Zionists had won. But though the triumphant politicians did not realize it, the Jewish people and the Jewish state had been dealt a fatal blow. All —including those who had designed the spiritual genocide — would soon pay a bitter price. The spirit-snatchers believed that they could rob the Sephardi of his Judaism and leave him with "Jewishness" or Zionism. No greater mistake could have been imagined.
Those who destroyed the Jewish spirit of the Sephardic Jews left only a body that demanded satisfaction of its hunger. Without Judaism, gone were all the religious values of holiness and awe of Heaven, abstention from material excess, spiritual discipline, respect for property, horror of shedding the blood of a fellow Jew, the sanctity of marriage, man's purpose and joy in life to love a wife and raise a family faithful to G-d, divine reward and punishment.
In place of all this, the secular Zionists could give nothing except "normalcy." And normal the Sephardim became. The void in their lives was filled by materialism and the need for money to satisfy desires. The movies, magazines, television, newspapers, and songs that became the normal fare of the "normal" secular

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state pandered to and inflamed those material desires.
Life's goal became one of avoiding as much pain as possible and achieving as much pleasure as one could. Values centered totally about money and the cost of an automobile, refrigerator, television set and clothing. Yesterday's luxury items became today's necessities. One's status was determined no longer by Torah knowledge or piety, but by money and possessions. Dreams of a fancy automobile, good-looking women, clothing, and trips to Europe were fueled and fed by the culture of the "normal" secular state.
Everything foreign, and especially American, became an object of envy and emulation. American jeans, American songs, American products, American movie and TV stars —and most of all, America itself. The dream was of being able to emigrate from an Israel that meant poverty, taxes, annual army service, inflation and war. The vision was of becoming rich in America. The values of Torah having been destroyed, the secular leaders of Israel watched as the Sephardic Jews hastened to replace them with those of Dizengoff Street. And that, only until the glorious day when they might reach the Promised Land of Times Square and Beverly Hills.
Irony of ironies! "In the manner that a man measures, so is he measured." Divine punishment was grimly humorous. The punishment of the destroyers of Judaism became the precise consequence of their own actions. They believed that they could destroy Judaism and create a new "Hebrew," with pride in Jewishness and Zionism. The reality was the new "normal" Israeli they created who did not care a fig about Judaism or Zionism. Too late did the spirit-snatchers realize that, eventually, there is no meaningful logical pride in being "Jewish" without Judaism. To their dismay, they came to understand Zionism can only survive on the basis of Judaism.
Of course, the "new" Sephardim did not become "Zionists." After all, in this they were merely following the disintegration of the Ashkenazi children of the secular Zionist leadership, who had been spiritually destroyed even earlier. If the Ashkenazi product talked about proclaiming, "I am an Israeli, not a Jew," what could one demand from the Sephardi?
Logically speaking, what was this ideal of "Jewishness" in the hands of the secularists? Religion had no place in it. What was left was "nationalism." Who really cared about that? What in the end was so different about a pretty girl if she was Jewish, Swedish,

French or Arab? Zionism—Jewish nationalism shorn of religion — could not explain to the young Israeli why he should not marry a shiksa or remain in a Hebrew-speaking Spain or Greece with its heavy economic and military burden of insecurity, when he could live the good "normal" life in the West.
The contentment and inner peace of Judaism for the Sephardi had been replaced by "normal" dissatisfaction and desire. Their effects were seen in the angry and sullen resentment of a wife who was not as beautiful as the American actress; of the small flat which did not match the magnificent homes shown in the previous night's American television movie; in the frustration of repressed and unrequited desires.
Husbands and wives quarrelled bitterly; both became unfaithful. Escape was found in drinking and drugs. Children demanded things parents could not afford. Envy and coveting, desire and yearning for material things, led to breakdown of family and social life. Conversation became obsessed with money and possessions.
Desire remains unrequited for just so long. Yearning and coveting eventually lead to active steps towards acquisition. Burglaries, robberies, auto thefts. And sin begets sin, so that the crimes begin to assume an ever more violent form. Beatings, muggings, extortion accompanied by bombings. And sin begat more sin so that violence escalated and was joined by brutality. Brutal robberies of elderly people in their homes; brutal tortures and terror by school children against fellow students; an explosion of rape and murder, every month, every week, every few days.
How much Jewish murder was there in Iraq? Rape in Jewish Yemen? Brutal extortion of the elderly in Morocco? Let the secular Zionists who decry and deplore and rage against crime know who planted the seeds. And who are the worst of the criminals.
And know that if, today, on Jerusalem walls there can be painted swastikas and horrifying messages aimed at Ashkenazi Jews, the source of the evil is the same. If a potential Ashkenazi-
Sephardic communal confrontation looms and shocking hatred lies just beneath the surface, the spiritual destruction of Sephardic Jewry is the major cause.
Those who took from the Sephardic Jews their Judaism, robbed them too of their self-esteem, pride, sense of identity and reason for being. The Sephardim arrived in Israel, products of Arab underdeveloped countries. They lagged behind European Jews in secular, scientific areas of knowledge. What they did have, with

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pride and expertise, was religion, with all its values and practices. It was this that made them second to no other Jew. When that was taken from them, they were stripped naked and left as "backward people," lagging behind the "enlightened" Ashkenazim.
From the proud communities whose antecedents lay in the great Torah centers and scholars of the past, they became "primitives," in need of Ashkenazi enlightenment. It destroyed their self-esteem and bred feelings of inferiority, self-doubt and self-hate. And he who hates himself cannot but hate others.
And thus, so many fill the prisons and welfare centers; sit on the iron railings and waste their days and lives; escape through drugs and drink. Their women are the street-walkers of Tel Aviv and they live with Arabs in the orange groves of the coastal plain. Their families are split assunder and a sense of deep bitterness and anger rests in them.
It is a bitterness that is a ticking time bomb, whose moment of explosive truth arrives in the wake of social, economic and political crises in Israel. The descendants of communities that produced Maimonides, Nachmanides, the Rif, Rabi Yosef Karo and an army of scholars — see them today in the prisons of Ramie a Shata. The Jews of our time underwent two terrible holocausts. The one was launched by gentiles and was a physical genocide. The other is less readily recognized; it was the Jewish attack on the spirit of Judaism that pounded within the hearts of hundreds of thousands of Jews from Arab lands. It is a crime for which we all pay today but whose ultimate cost will be frightening.
Secular Zionism sought to destroy the "old" religious Jew and create a new Sephardic one in their own image. Let them look well at the image they created. It is secularism by practice. No greater proof of the collossal failure and bankruptcy of secular Zionism can be found than in the fruits of its own works. They! destroyed Judaism — and with it, any semblance of Zionism, any proud sense of uniqueness. They destroyed any hope of a Jewish, State and did not realize that with it would also go to the State of Jews. The deliberate destruction of the magnificent Sephardic? Judaism is a crime that will pound and tingle all the ears of) future generations that shall hear of it. And how many Western Walls, and how many tears of penitence, and how much beating of the breast will it take to begin to wipe away the terrible stain?
For 37 years, many waited for someone to reach the Knesset and say these things, to give unto the hypocrites of humanism and enlightenment as they gave unto others. I have arrived.

Chapter 3
The Bulldozers of Hate
That is the background. That is the record of the people and parties who screech in hate against Kahane. And it is that background and that record that help so much to explain the sickness of soul and the capacity of these people today. Those who killed and trampled on Jews yesterday are clearly capable of repeating it today in their unadulterated, blind, psychopathic hatred of Kahane and of what has come to be called "Kahanism." Not the slightest effort to reason; not the slightest attempt to debate; not the slightest willingness to meet and intellectually discuss the very real issues. Hate, only hate. And murder, in the eyes and in the souls of the haters. The hate and murder that come from a long left-liberal-humanist tradition. The hate and murder that blind and block all reason, logic, normalcy. The hate and murder that turn man into a savage beast, lusting and yearning to lash out and kill.
The hate and murder that lays bare the sheer hypocrisy of "democrats" who call for the shutting of mouths and the utter fraud of "humanists" calling for physical violence against those they oppose. The naked contradiction of soul of liberals who call for the end of rights and freedoms for those they consider dangerous to their views.
And so, the Kach Movement prepares for its annual convention. It applies for a hall in Jerusalem's Convention Center, owned by the Jewish Agency, the public body set up to coordinate Zionist activities between Israel and Tews in the Exile. Arye Dulzin, the
chairman of the Jewish Agency, a corpulent, wealthy Mexican Jew, refuses the application. He bitterly differs with Kach's policies. He will not allow the public hall to be rented by a Zionist Political party that sits in the Knesset. The night before the scheduled convention, the Communist Party has the hall for a concert featuring a Soviet Moslem singer. No doubt a radical Zionist.
The court forces the Jewish Agency to rent the hall. That, it turns out, is the easy part. The second half of the problem, the

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stormtroopers of the left, is not so easily disposed of.
Large ads appear in all the papers. They read: "There is no place for Kach in our country." Peace Now and a host of other leftist groups, including one called Ma'ane — an umbrella group formed to fight Kahane — openly proclaim their intention to stop the convention; thousands of leftists are bused in from kibbutzim and other cities. A large PLO flag is carried as well as banners against Kahane, Kach and "racism." Leftist and Arab Knesset members speak; Teddy Kollek brays. The message is the same: Stop the "fascists."
As Kahane arrives, the leftists grow mad with rage. The police succeed in getting Kahane through the crowd into the hall but Kach members are attacked and physically beaten. The police, after an hour of indifference, now give the Border Patrol, the tough special police force known for its sympathy to Kahane, orders to push the leftists back. In a letter to the Histadrut paper, Davar, one of the leaders of the anti-Kahane crusade, veteran leftist Dov Yirmiya writes: "I am a criminal; I broke the law when I burst the barriers near Convention Center to stop the arch-racist. I broke the law and am proud of it."
Gideon Rafael, former director-general of the Foreign Ministry writes in the Jerusalem Post, calling for mass violation of the law in order to stop Kahane. He says: "A human wall of non-violent but steadfast resisters can make the slogan, 'Kahane shall not pass', an irresistible reality, a wall that stands firm even if confronted by baton-wielding mounted police." And Rafael exemplifies the babbling and dangerous "progressive democrat" as he continues: "It is unthinkable that the political authority responsible for the police would permit it to trample down nonviolent defenders of Israel's democracy." Translation: Since we have decided that Kahane is dangerous, we expect the political minister who runs the police to give orders to them to allow us to break the law and prevent Kahane from speaking.
A leaflet at a Kahane rally, issued by the Israeli Socialist left, is headed: "He has no right to speak!" Its operative sentence reads: "Preventing Kahane and his associates from their racist incitement is a remarkable example of civic action and no factor, government or other, has the right to stop us."
Young children are mobilized by the leftists to come to Kahane rallies with whistles and to shout him down. Leftist writer Teddy Preuss, writing in the newspaper Davar, says: "In view of the apathy of the Knesset, citizen organization is the last barrier to

fascism. By organization, I mean the taking of steps more practical than whistles. How the mounted police will behave is not difficult to imagine, but this is the danger that the supporters of democracy must take upon themselves."
The call is to smash the law and destroy the opposition. All this I have seen. The twisted faces, the obscene gestures, the curses, the hate. The face of those who want a civil war. Once again, the face of The Season.
How important, how terribly important it is for all to know them, as they truly were, as they truly are. No one can even begin to understand their awesome sickness of soul and thus learn to discount their vicious lies and wild, savage defamation, unless he really knows their past, their awful crimes, their terrible readiness to stop at nothing to crush those who stand in their way.
And those in the Exile. The Jewish leaders, the feudal barons of the Exile. How they hate and fear Kahane and move heaven and earth to silence him there. How they frantically use their awesome money and power that has created such a feudal empire, to attempt to prevent Kahane from appearing before Jews. They who control Jewish public funds and dispense to only those institutions they see as acceptable (read docile and accepting). Through the weapons of fear and monetary blackmail, they rule unfettered, never elected by the community, never questioned by the bleating flocks. Benevolent despots, they move patronizingly among their fawning serfs, dispensing favors and honors, sure of both their own power as well as of the timidity, apathy, fear and docility of the serfs. But when a rebel rises up and when he dares to cry out the truth of their nakedness, their ugliness, their threat to the very existence of the sheep, the flocks, the Jews —then the fangs are bared, the ugliness revealed. Then the fascists arise!
They are frozen at the thought of Kahane describing their own Establishment's emptiness, of their having sat quietly by during the Holocaust, of their apathy concerning Soviet Jewry, of their Policies of "the melting pot" and interfaith and all the rest that led to the spiritual destruction of hundreds of thousands of Jewish youth.
They are terrified at having Jews asked by Kahane the simple question: Do you agree that Arabs have the right to democratically, peacefully, quietly and non-violently become the majority in Israel and vote the Jewish state out of existence? They shudder at Kahane describing the weekly murders of Jews in Israel; the incredible assimilation and growth of intermarriage in Israel

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between Jews and Arabs; the clear, logical, painfully obvious fact that Arabs in Israel do not want to live in a Jewish state and will do everything possible to make sure that their national anthem will not be the "Hatikva" that speaks of "the soul of a Jew yearning." They resent Kahane's laying out of the basic contradiction between western democracy and a Jewish state.
Above all, their blood chills at the Kahane message to his Jewish audience: Who elected your Jewish leaders? Who elected the feudal barons who control Jewish funds, allocate Jewish moneys, run the community as their fiefdom? They, who are so bankrupt, can never allow Kahane to tell the Jewish community: Your Jewish ] leaders are bankrupt!
And, so they must attempt to silence Kahane, and the methods they use do not matter. You ask: If Kahane is so insane and sol wrong, why not debate him and, before millions of people, .destroy him once and for all? A magnificent question. Why not debate Kahane and destroy him intellectually? But of course, they can never debate Kahane; he will destroy them. And so, when Kahane comes to any Jewish city and demands a debate or meet-ing, they run in terror. Of course they tell the news media that their reason is that they do not wish to "legitimatize" Kahane. But the truth is clear. The same ones who will meet with Arabs because "one must meet with those with whom we differ . . ."; the ones who, if Farrakhan wrote and asked for a meeting to "dialogue," would fall all over themselves —these can never meet with Kahane. For the Arabs and Farrakhan are really not threats to the Jewish feudal barons. Kahane is. He rips away their pretensions. He tells the sheep: Look at your shepherds, your murderers. . . .
And so, in Los Angeles, one Rabbi Harold Shulweiss, famous in the San Fernando Valley, esteemed by the masses as a "scholar," has had an Arab Knesset member speak in his temple. The Arab won fame for his desire to fly to the PLO conference in Amman (against Israeli law); but he is welcomed. Kahane, despite a barrage of advertisements in the local L.A. press, is verboten in the castle of the Baron of Shulweiss. . . . Not one temple in the Valley (or on the mountain) will have Kahane. Not one Jewish leader will speak with Kahane on the issues.
But that is only the beginning. The Jewish establishment bulldozer attempts to insure that the Jewish community will not hear Kahane at all.
Let me tell you a story. A story about the feudal barons, the

fat the powerful, the frightened — in Houston, Texas.
Houston, Texas, a powerful land, a powerful state, rolling in
wealth and arrogance; as Heine said, "as the Christian, so the Jew." The arrogant Jewish feudal barons are suddenly shaken as they hear that "Kahane is coming." The local Kach chapter, under Dr. Richard Rolnick, a physician at the Baylor College of Medicine, has a signed, paid-for contract with the Marriott Astrodome Hotel to have Kahane speak. Rolnick sits down with the Jewish Herald- Vioce, the local paper, and they work out with him an advertisement. It is paid for, set to go into that week's paper. The democratic way of life is proceeding smoothly in Houston, Texas.
Enter the Jewish barons. The Greater Houston Jewish Federation and the American Jewish Committee now contact the Marriott. The usual is said: "You could lose Jewish business," "Possible violence." The Marriott understands the facts of life. It cancels a signed contract. That same day, the Jewish paper which was so happy to take the ad suddenly contacts Rolnick. It cannot. The bulldozer of fascism has crushed the little people.
Rolnick finds another hotel, the Astro Village. Its owners, not Jewish, do not give into pressure. Ellen Cohen of the American Jewish Committee tries the same tactics: "You may lose Jewish business." The answer: "We have no Jewish business." "There could be violence." "We can handle violence." When the newspapers contact the embarrassed Jewish barons, they are forced to admit that they did contact the hotels, but only to make clear to them that Rabbi Meir Kahane of the Knesset in Israel is not the local rabbi, Moshe Cahana (that is how he spells his name) of Houston!
The lies are so grotesque that even the newsmen laugh. By now it emerges that the Israeli Consulate sent a man down to the local Jewish paper to make sure that no ad would appear. Rolnick has the facts on tape. Needless to say the two Jewish merchants who originally were eager to sell tickets for the speech suddenly call and say they don't agree with Kahane. . . .
The feudal barons are terrified of Kahane. The thought of the Knesset member being heard by Jews is so nightmarish to them for the sublimely simple reasons that they know that once Kahane has an opportunity to meet and speak with Jews, the ugly and false image that has been so perfidiously constructed will melt away as snow in the warm spring sun.
The fat, the powerful, the frightened. Kahane frightens them

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more than any Jew since the rise of Israel. For he speaks of a total change in society. Not merely a political one, but the total redoing of society. The remaking of Israel into a Jewish state. The permanent remaking of values in Jewish ones, the creation of a new and permanent generation of Jews. The promise that the feudal barons, the Hellenists, the mixed multitude, the Hebrew-speaking gentiles in Israel and the foreigners in Jewish Establishment clothing in the Exile will be forever thrown out of power.
That is the greatest of all fears, and as we see that fear oozing out of their pores, the vicious smell of their natural reaction, fascism, fills the air and the nostrils. They will stop at nothing. They have in the past murdered, bodies and souls. Why not the same now, when their very kingdom is at stake?
The haters who comprise the power structure have poisoned millions of Jews, have injected them with their poisonous hate. Millions who have never heard Kahane speak, have never read a book of his, have never had the slightest contact with him or his views, hate and despise him. They are victims of the haters with their immense power over the news media, their intense supporters within that news media. If in centuries past, Alexander Pope could write of a social gathering as a place where "with every word a reputation dies," can one imagine the awesome power of a political machine-television-radio-newspaper conglomerate that can destroy a reputation in the minds of tens of millions with every broadcast or telecast or issue?
The average person is the daily victim of the awesome power of a political-economic machine that controls communications, that shapes him, that directs him, that makes him. He is the victim, he is the lamb led to intellectual slaughter. The feudal barons of Israel and the Jewish Establishment leaders in the United States and other parts of the Exile, control the Jewish community in a way that is almost breathtaking in its awesomeness. They use this power to put into motion their drive to smear, defame and destroy Kahane in the eyes of the Jew and gentile alike. And their most powerful of weapons, the one they count most upon to assure their control of the mind and pocketbook of the Jew who lives outside of Israel, is their knowledge of his psychological dependence on Israel.
Not one in a thousand western Jews will ever willingly go on aliya, emigrate to Israel. But millions of Jews need a Jewish state, need to believe in it. For most western Jews believe in nothing that is Jewish, except Israel. For millions, it is Israel that is the

cornerstone and totality of their "Jewishness."
They are not observant Jews and therefore Judaism for them is, at best, the Reform and Conservatism that allows them to play with Judaism as much or as little as they care to. They do not really believe in the G-d of the Jews, but lacking the courage to state their atheism, they create a G-d, a comfortable G-d in their own image, cut to garment center proportions. What, then, can give them practical and concrete expression of their "Jewishness?" What can give them the identity they so desperately need and seek? Why, only Israel.
It is Israel that can make the Jew feel strong in the face of gentile contempt for Jewish "weakness." It is Israel that makes him its partner in swift vengeance against Arab armies and terrorists so that a Six Day War finds the Jew of Cleveland or Chicago basking in the deflected sun of gentile awe. It is Israel that allows him to see a Jewish tank, a Jewish gun, a Jewish jet —all things that in his heart of hearts, even the most liberal and progressive Jew secretly loves.
And it is Israel that is his insurance policy against the anti-Semitism he may publicly pooh-pooh, but which in his secret chambers he deeply worries about.
He loves this Israel, and his check to the UJA or Israel Bonds is a cheap enough price to pay for the vicarious benefits it gives him. And this being so, he is willing, indeed, eager, to hear only good about the Jewish State. He does not want to visit Israel and hear about the real problems. He does not really want to visit the real Israel; his is the world of the tourist that has about as much connection and relevance to the real state of the Jewish State as does the Statue of Liberty to the reality of United States economic, social and political problems.
He knows nothing about the real, critical problems and less about the political machine that is the power in Israel. He knows nothing and does not want to know! He wants to celebrate and be happy when he comes to Israel or attends lectures about Israel in his temple or community center. He wants to feel good and wants to listen to people who will make him feel good. Israel is his vicarious escape into the world of pride and strength and he is not about to be disillusioned.
But such a person does not love Israel. He loves only himself. hose who love someone or something do not run from the terrible realities that afflict the one they love. They seek to look, diagnose and cure. That is why this is written. To give concrete form

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to the words of the rabbis:
"All love that does not have with it criticism, is not real love." He who truly loves Israel, the Jewish state, lives there and says the difficult things that will not only make it better, but will help it to survive. The difficult and so-uncomfortable things! Things like: A Jewish state, a Zionist state, stands in stark contradiction to western democracy.

PART II
A JEWISH STATE VERSUS WESTERN DEMOCRACY

Chapter 4
Jewish Terror
Jewish terror awakens at the terrible thought —and subconscious realization — that western democracy is simply incompatible with Zionism and its central idea of a Jewish State.
What is Zionism, after all, if not the movement to create a Jewish State? And, indeed, the modern idea of political Zionism found its ultimate expression in a book by its founder, Theodore Herzl, that was the catalyst that led to the creation of the modern-day Zionism movement. It was titled The Jewish State.
And a flood of Zionist leaders and thinkers expressed this central thought:
"I do not bring you a new idea but an ancient one. . . . This idea is the establishment of the Jewish State" (Herzl, The Solution of the Jewish Question, 1896).
"We need a home like all nations, to live in our historic land. . . ." (M. Lilienblum, The Future of Our People).
"The Jewish people is sitting on a volcano and this situation will continue to exist until a terrible catastrophe occurs and drives us toward a solution of the Jewish question —towards the only and specific solution offered to us by Zionism —the rehabilitation of

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Israel in its historical land" (Chaim Weizmann, 1903).
"In order for us to succeed . . . we need a home of free men in which we can create in accordance with our own spirit and with our own forces, without being dependent on strangers from outside or within and in which we can create without inhibition or hindrance; we need that land where alone this people was free and its own master and in which alone it could be free and its own master; we need Zion" (Martin Buber, Zion and Youth, 1918).
And this concept, "a Jewish State," we made the focus of the central and moving paragraph of Israel's Declaration of Independence which declared: "We hereby proclaim the establishment of a JEWISH STATE in the Land of Israel."
What in the world does this "Jewish State" mean? What is its minimal and fundamental definition, the one that every Zionist — religious or not, rightist or leftist, whatever his political, social and economic hue —will agree upon? Why surely it is the definition of a Jewish State as one with a majority of Jews. Of course this is the most basic and bottom-line definition possible.
Only a state with a majority of Jews guarantees all the things that Zionism and Zionists dreamed of, worked for, demanded. Only a state with a majority of Jews guarantees Jewish sovereignty, and independence. Only a state with a majority of Jews guarantees that the Jew will be captain of his ship, master of his fate, free from dependency on and prostration before strangers.
Only a state with a majority of Jews will insure that, never again, will we enjoy such dubious benefits as Crusades and Inquisitions and pogroms and holocausts —small and very large. Only a state in which the Jew controls his destiny will free him from both gentile Church and State, from both the intolerance of the non-Jew as well as his humiliating "tolerance." A Jewish majority is a Jewish State and a Jewish State is the repudiation of the ghetto, the Exile, humiliation, degradation, weakness and the shame of raising our eyes unto the stranger, "from the gentile shall come forth our salvation. ..."
Anything less than a Jewish majority is not a Jewish State. Surely Brooklyn has many, many Jews but it is not a Jewish State for it. It is not a sovereign, independent one, and this is what Zionism and its founding fathers understood and fought for: A Land of Israel with a majority of Jews in it. A Jewish State.
This being so, what is one to do with western democracy? What is one supposed to do with a concept that demands that

anyone, regardless of religion or national background, has the right to sit quietly and peacefully, have as many babies as possible, and become the majority? The question, simply put, the question that explodes terror in the hearts of the Jew is: Do the Arabs in Israel have a right to quietly, peacefully, democratically, equally, and liberally become the majority?
Let me put it more agonizingly. Let me increase Jewish terror. Not only is there a clear intellectual, ideological and philosophical contradiction between Zionism and western democracy, but the Declaration of Independence of Israel, in a mindboggling example of schizophrenia, proceeds to institutionalize the contradiction unto all generations. The Declaration does not only passingly mention a "Jewish State." It fairly wallows in it. Paragraph after paragraph speaks of the Jewish people, Jewish history, Jewish rights. Jewishness permeates the very fibre of the document. Consider:
"The Land of Israel was the birthplace of the Jewish people. Here their spiritual, religious and political identity was shaped. Here they first attained to statehood. . . .
"After being forcibly exiled from their land, the people kept faith with it throughout their dispersion and never ceased to pray and hope for their return to it and for the restoration in it of their political freedom.
"Impelled by this historic and traditional attachment, Jews strove in every successive generation to re-establish themselves in their ancient homeland. . . .
"In the year 5657 (1879), at the summons of the spiritual father of the Jewish State, Theodore Herzl, the first Zionist Congress convened and proclaimed the right of the Jewish people to national rebirth in its own country.
"This right was recognized in the Balfour Declaration of the 2nd November, 1917, and re-affirmed in the mandate of the League of the Nations which, in particular, gave international sanction to the historic connection between the Jewish people and Eretz Yisrael and to the right of the Jewish people to rebuild its national home. . . .
"The catastrophe which recently befell the Jewish people — the massacre of millions of Jews in Europe —was another clear demonstration of the urgency of solving the problem of its homelessness by re-establishing in Eretz Yisrael the Jewish State which would open the gates of the homeland wide to every Jew and confer upon the Jewish people the status of a fully privileged

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member of the Comity of Nations.
"On the 29th November, 1947, the United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution calling for the establishment of a Jewish State in Eretz Yisrael, the General Assembly required the inhabitants of Eretz Yisrael to take such steps as were necessary on their part for the implementation of that resolution. This recognition by the United Nations of the right of the Jewish people to establish their state is irrevocable.
"This right is the natural right of the Jewish people to be mas
ters of their own fate, like all other nations, in their own sovereign
state . . . ." ' .
And, of course, the moving and fundamental sentence in the Declaration of Independence, indeed, the "declaration" itself:
"Accordingly, we . . . hereby declare the establishment of a JEWISH STATE in the Land of Israel, to be known as the State of Israel."
Is there, could there be, a clearer and more uncompromising definition of the identity of Israel as a Zionist, Jewish State? Here is a clear and unmistakable pronouncement of Israel as a Jewish State created for the Jewish people in which the Jews can be masters of their own fate. And this cannot be unless that sovereign Jewish State has a majority of Jews. Only that guarantees their being "masters of their own fate." This is a Jewish State. This is Zionism.
Consider now the inexplicable schizophrenia of this remarkable Declaration and the even more remarkable people who wrote it. Having poignantly described Jewish suffering and the awesome Holocaust as a consequence of the lack of a state of their own, having ringingly declared "never again" by asserting the establishment of a Jewish home in their own sovereign state where they will never have to rely on others or be the prey of the majority, having clearly and explicitly declared "a Jewish State in the Land of Israel," a state with a majority of Jews, the Declaration of Independence, the model of exquisite schizophrenia, goes on to pledge, promise and guarantee "equal political and social rights to all its citizens regardless of religion or nationality." It goes on to appeal to the Arab inhabitants to "participate in the upbuilding of the state on the basis of full and equal citizenship and due representation in all its provisional and permanent institutions."
Is there, could there be, a clearer and more uncompromising definition of Israel as a democracy? Here is a clear and unmistakable no-nonsense definition of a democratic state in the best tradi-

tions of the West. It is also a firm, no-nonsense model of confused, bewildered, mad contradiction and intellectual fraud.
All hail to the bewildered of the Mosaic faith. Having firmly declared the need for a state in which the Jew is master and sovereign, the most bewildering of G-d's creatures—Homo Judaica—just as firmly pledges to the Arabs their democratic rights to equality and their due representation (if a fifth of the population, a fifth of representation; if a third, a third; if the majority . . .) to peacefully and democratically put an end to the Jewish State in which the Jews are masters and sovereign. The schizophrenic framers of the schizophrenic document have their feet planted firmly between heaven and earth, between Zionism and western democracy. The question, of course, is: Which paragraph do you read?
If, under the first paragraph, Israel is created as a "Jewish State" with a guaranteed Jewish majority and if, under the second paragraph, all its citizens, Jews and non-Jews, have equal political rights, do the Arabs have the equal political right to become a majority, elect a Knesset with an Arab majority and change the country from "Israel" to "Palestine"? Do they have a right to then change the country's present Law of Return (to which we will return, for a fascinating inspection of Israeli democracy), which guarantees free entry into the country and automatic citizenship only to Jews? Do they have a right to amend that law and have it now apply to Arabs under the well-known Arab axiom that what is good for the Jewish goose is no less for the Moslem gander? Will all who wish to help in the development of the ancient homeland now be privileged to contribute to the United Arab Appeal or United Palestine Appeal or Arab National Fund or invest in Palestine Bonds?
Under paragraph two, above, of the Declaration of Independence, the "democratic" paragraph, of course the answer to all the above is a resounding yes. Of course, any advocate of and believer in western democracy would agree that the Arabs have an absolute and inalienable right to the same political aspirations as the Jews and should their birthrate produce enough Arabs to produce an Arab majority within the State of Israel, they have the right (and from their point of view, the obligation) to create a state that would no longer be known as the Jewish State.
On the other hand, what would the Zionist —the one who advocates and fights for a Jewish State in Israel — say to all the above? Why, in response to all these questions, his would be a resounding

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no. No, they have no right to become a majority and eliminate the Jewish State through babies instead of bullets. No, they have no right to change an "Israel" to a "Palestine." No, there is no way that Israel should commit suicide as it pays homage to western democracy.
Clearly a contradiction, as basic as possible, and the creators of the State and those who drafted the Declaration of Independence of Israel knew it. But terror gripped the founding fathers in 1948 just as it grips the leaders of today. Sheer, basic terror. Terror at having to choose between Zionism and western democracy after all the years of safe self-delusion, of successful flight from terrible reality.
Dishonesty being the sad hallmark of so many liberal intellectuals and politicians, the Declaration of Independence of Israel, conceived and born through the fraudulent midwives of liberal Hellenism, is thus able to issue a stamp to fight "racism." The stamp piously and loudly includes a sentence from the "democratic" paragraph of the Declaration, guaranteeing equal political rights to the Arabs. Of necessity, it avoids all reference to the other paragraphs dedicated to a Jewish State created to guarantee the concept of "never again," and which, of necessity, will never allow western democracy.
The Declaration of Independence of Israel is a schizophrenic document precisely because those who drafted it and breathed life into it were schizophrenics. They—and those who followed them to this very day, as Jewish leaders —are Jews and Zionists who are rooted in concepts that are un-Jewish and un-Zionistic. For decades they were able to deceive themselves and the average Jew and proclaim that Judaism was western democracy and western humanism and western equality and western integration. The bald lie could never be met until history created the objective conditions that made the contradiction clear and unmistakable, a painful truth, risen ironically, only with the establishment and development of the Jewish State that is the central aim of Zionism.
For years, Jews and their leaders were able to deceive themselves and everyone else except the Arabs with a breathtaking contempt for Arabs that sounded amazingly like some paternalistic, colonialist high commissioner marching to a Kiplingesque tune of noblesse-oblige. How many cabinet ministers (and prime ministers) and how many guided tour guides and how many speakers at UJA, Jewish National Fund, Israel Bonds and other meetings,

patted themselves glowingly on their Jewish-Israeli back as they described how much they had done for the (backward) Arabs. "Their villages had no electricity—and we lit them up. They had no sanitary facilities —we gave them indoor toilets. They were illiterate —we not only gave them education but thousands learn in our universities."
Was there ever greater contempt for Arabs? Was there ever greater blindness by Jews? The words sound like some grotesque echo of a British imperialist in Kenya shaking his head in puzzlement and asking: "What do the natives want? We came here and found a jungle and turned it into a garden. ..." The answer of the "natives" was, of course: "True, but it was OUR jungle and now it is YOUR garden. . . ." And, of course, that is exactly the answer of the Arab to the absurd and paternalistic contempt of the schizophrenic Jew: "True. You came and found a desert and turned it into green fields. But it was OUR desert and the green fields are now yours. ..."
Is there an honest person alive who believes that one can buy the Arab's national pride with an indoor toilet? Is there anyone with a minimal intelligence who does not understand that it is precisely the educated Arab, the university graduate of whom the schizophrenics boast, who is precisely the most dangerous of all Arabs? That the head of the PLO-supporting Progressive List in the Knesset, Muhamad Miarai, is a graduate of Hebrew University? That revolution never comes from the numb and the dumb but precisely from the educated? That Israel, with its own schizophrenic hands, is creating the new leadership of the PLO?
Is there anyone who does not understand that the Arab is not a fool, and that you cannot create a modern, educated, rising generation and tell them that they can have everything except the right to rule in what they consider their own country? Is there no one who grasps the elementary fact that a country which is defined as a Jewish State cannot be anything except a foreign concept for the non-Jewish Arab? Is there no one who cannot perceive that on Israel's Independence Day, the Arab does not rush into the street to celebrate his defeat? Is there no one to admit that when the Arab, equal citizen of Israel, sings the words of his national anthem —"Hatikva" (the Hope) —he does not swell with deep pride at the words "the soul of a Jew yearning," and tears of happiness do not run down his cheeks as he emotes "the hope of two thousand years," since his forefathers really did not mourn the absence of the Jews each year, raising their eyes into the

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heavens and imploring G-d: When will the Jews come home?
In the famous letter from Queen Victoria to her Prime Minister, Lord Salisbury, the monarch, who epitomized British imperial rule, laid down the qualities needed in a Viceroy of India. These qualities were vital, she said, "If we are to go peaceably and happily in India and be liked and loved by high and low —as well as respected as we ought to be —and not trying to trample on the people and continually remind them and make them feel they are a conquered people. They must, of course, feel that we are masters, but it should be done kindly and not offensively, as alas is so often the case."
A more delightful example of blind naivete and utter contempt for a conquered people would be hard to find, or so I would have believed if not for the Children of Israel who —in their awesome terror at having to face Jewish-Arab reality—outdo the Queen most regally. Jews, both the Israeli politicians who decree it as the political line and those other Jews who hopelessly plunge into it in lemming-like craving for suicide-through-love, walk a path of scorn, disdain and utter contempt for the Arabs of Israel.
Because they desperately fear to look at the reality of Arab hostility, the two-legged lemmings of the Mosaic faith proclaim that the root of the Jewish-Arab problem is, firstly, a lack of social and economic equality, but even more important, because there is no contact between Jews and Arabs, there is a "lack of understanding." A lack of understanding. We must, therefore, rush to break down "stereotyping, fear and suspicion," as Arabs and Jews work together, play together, create together. And so the liberal vision of happy and equal Jews and Arabs spending summers together in a camp, visiting each other's homes, laughing at each other's jokes in a cafe. Break down the barriers and peace and tranquility will reign as we put an end to the "lack of understanding."
If I were an Arab I would fairly shake the walls with my disgust and anger. This is the problem and this the solution? The fact that Jews and Arabs do not "understand" each other? That there is no social contact?
The truth is that the Arab understands the Jew and the State of Israel very well. And that is precisely what makes him hate it and oppose it. The Arab understands very well that his ultimate complaint, anger and inability to accept the State of Israel is the fact that it is a Jewish State and is so defined officially in the Declaration of Independence. The Arab knows all too well that there exists in Israel the basic Law of Return that grants automatic

citizenship to Jews and not to Arabs. The Arab knows that everything about the state —its anthem, its heroes, its language, its religion, its aspirations — is all Jewish, and he is not. The Arab has nothing but contempt for the liberal who holds him in such contempt by thinking that all the Arab wants is equal economic conditions and social intercourse. No, one does not buy an Arab's national pride with an indoor toilet or a summer camp. And if all the liberal Jews had a trace of the national pride that the Arabs possess, they would understand that not by bread alone does the Arab live. They would understand that the Arab understands the Tew precisely and they would realize that what bothers the Arab is Zionism, per se; the existence of a Jewish State that, by definition, makes him less than equal. What does the Arab want? A "Palestine" in place of Israel in which he will create groups through which the Jewish minority can be helped to be soothed and "understood."
The refusal to respect the Arab and face the truth of his eternal hope for an Arab Palestine state in place of the Jewish-Zionist Israel is the hallmark of the Jewish liberal-leftist and makes us a people in immediate need of a national couch. And it is this indigenous contempt of the left-liberal, growing out of his materialist concept of man which leads to the pathetic question: Are all Arabs bad Arabs? Are there no good Arabs?
The utter contempt for the Arab that is at the very root of the question! Are there no good Arabs? What does the liberal Jew who asks that inanity mean by a "good" Arab? Why, of course, an Arab who will gladly and happily accept the fact that Jews live in what he believes is his, the Arab's, land in order to benefit from the economic advances the Jews will give him. An Arab who will trade in his national pride and heritage for a higher standard of living, who cares more about a refrigerator than "Palestine." An Arab who will give up the struggle for "his" land because Jews are decent, liberal, humane people who will "help" him, and because Jews are sad sufferers of persecution who need a homeland of their own. An Arab who, because Jews hate war and bloodshed, and because the Hadassah and Reform Rabbis preach the glories of beating swords into ploughshares, will agree to an Israel" in his "Palestine." In the mind of the good liberal-left Jew, the good Arab is the one who will become a Semitic Quisling, and, like some modern-day Esau, trade what he sees as his birthright for a mess of Zionist lentils.
Are there no good Arabs? Of course there are. They are all

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good Arabs. But let the liberals, who assume that one can buy Arabs as one buys condominiums, understand very clearly just what a good Arab really is. A good Arab is one who wants to live in what he believes is his homeland; who wants an Arab State; who wants an Arab Knesset; who wants Arab sovereignty. In a word, a good Arab is remarkably similar to a good Jew and his desire to live in a Jewish State is about equal to the Jew's wanting to live in Syria.
It is precisely Jews with national pride who can understand the reality of Arab pride. It is only good Jews who can define a good Arab. It is only good Jews who can understand a good Arab. Indeed, that is why Kahane understands the Arabs. And that is why the Arabs so very well understand Kahane. And that is why neither Arabs nor Kahane understand Jews.
There will be no remedy for the Jewish liberal, the two-legged lemming of Mosaic persuasion, until he rids himself of the contradiction, the immutable contradiction, between a Zionism with its call for a Jewish State and between Western democracy. The liberal Jew must purge himself of his contradictions, his schizophrenia, and above all, of his terror at the tought of having to do just that. He must throw away his contempt for human beings, in this case Arabs. He must learn that which the Arabs and normal Jews already know. The problem of the Arabs of Israel is not material and economic. It is not a lack of understanding that can be solved by having Jewish and Arab children meet and having Jewish girls get together with Arab men at Haifa's Arab-Jewish center or the assimilation cesspool of Nvei Shalom. There is no misunderstanding on the part of the Arabs. They understand the problem perfectly. And they have understood it from the earliest days of Zionism.
In 1921, the Arab writer Izzat Darwazeh wrote an article in the Haifa Arabic paper El Karmel, replying to a speech by Zionist leader Nahum Sokolow calling for good will and understanding between Arabs and Jews. Wrote Darwazeh:
They (the Zionist leaders) keep dinning the word "misunderstanding" into our ears. I don't know what they mean. Do they mean that we don't understand their true aspirations and intentions, and that if we understood we would hold out our hand to them? . . . Are they trying to tell us that flooding the country with an overwhelming Jewish majority is nothing to frighten the Arab nation in Palestine? . . . Won't Mr. Sokolow tell us of which rights

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the Arabs in the Land of Israel will not be deprived by Zionist political fulfillment? . . .
You must return to the unadulterated truth, and you will see that Palestine was a purely Arab country before you ever settled in it and after you left it. ... Let the leaders of the Zionist movement . . . find for their nation some uninhabited country.
And in 1974, the Lebanese newspaper El Muhrar replied to the then Prime Minister's Advisor on Arab Affairs, Shmuel Toledano (a Jewish lemming of extraordinary suicidal tendencies), and wrote:
Even if there was an opportunity to integrate the Arabs into Israeli society, this would not solve the problem since man does not live by bread alone and he has other needs —among them, to live in peace in his own state.
Indeed, and that is precisely the question. Is the Jew prepared to allow the Arab the democratic right to have his own state? If the Arab, through peaceful and democratic methods, will be the majority, will the Jew agree that he has the basic, fundamental, western democratic right to change Israel into his Arab state? Do the Arabs have a right to become a majority in Israel? The question is hardly an academic one. It is a very, very real problem.
Pity the poor schizophrenic Jewish leader, liberal, Hellenist. Pity them for the terror that the question raises in their soul-seared hearts. The dichotemy that is at the very basis of their existence finds the obvious answer more horrifying than the question. And only that can explain the truly magnificent madness that surrounds them in their struggle against both Kahane and the United Nations a struggle which is so clearly contradictory that one can only mutely stand in pity of them.
On November 10, 1975, the United Nations General Assembly passed Resolution Number 3379. Simply stated, it equated Zionism with racism. Needless to say, Jews were outraged. Then Israeli U.N. Ambassador Chaim Herzog frothed at the mouth; Jewish groups from "A" (American Jewish Committee) to "Z" (Zionist Organization of America) poured forth their wrath on the nations who knew Israel and Zionism not, and temple rabbis now had material for yet another month of sermons. The common denominator beneath all the anger was the firm, absolute denial that Zionism could ever be considered racism, and self-

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righteousness joined with sublime ignorance in battle with the anti-Zionists and anti-Semites of the United Nations.
How droll. For it is the same indignant Jews — indignant that anyone could ever dare to paint Zionism as "racism" —who are in the process of doing exactly that, proving to their enemies that they are, indeed, correct. What did Solomon, the wisest of men, say? "He diggeth a pit into which he shall fall and rolleth a stone which shall return upon him." The rolling stones of Israel. . . .
The very same infuriated, fuming Jews of indignation who have spent the last two years in unbridled attempts to paint Meir Kahane a racist for declaring that Zionism, a Jewish State and Judaism are incompatible with western democracy and that there must be a legal and political differentiation between Jew and non-Jew so that Israel should remain a Jewish State, these same Jews proceed by this very obsession down the mad road of "proving" that Zionism is "racism."
For "Kahanism" IS Zionism. Kahane declares that the Jewish people have returned to the Land of Israel to create a Jewish State, and that is exactly what Zionism says. Kahane says that a Jewish State can only be one with a majority of Jews and that that alone will guarantee us sovereignty and mastery over our destiny, and that is precisely what Zionism declares. Kahane states that we must take steps to insure that Jews will always be a majority and will always control the State of Israel, and that is absolutely what Zionism is committed to.
And that is why the most basic law in Israel, the one that was passed immediately upon independence, was the Law of Return that guarantees every Jew the automatic right to enter the country and acquire citizenship. Every Jew, not every gentile. The worm in the apple begins to rear its ugly head as it stares us fully in the mouth and asks: Only Jews? This is democracy? This is equality? Only Jews? This is racism!
Let us leave the worm turning for a while and go on to another definition.
What is a Jew? The answer is clearly found in a definition that differs from that of almost any other people. When one asks to define a Frenchman or a Pole or a German, the answer is, one who is a citizen of France or Poland or Germany. Thus one can be of Greek national origin or Chinese; one can be Buddhist or Catholic; the acquisition of citizenship papers of the country, Germany, will make that person a "German," with all the rights of any other German.

Not so the Jew. A Jew is a religio-national, and is defined by religious criteria; and one who wishes to become a Jew must undergo a religious process.
It is not the piece of the land that determines whether the citizen of Israel, the Jewish State, is a Jew. It is membership in the Jewish People, and that can be acquired only by birth or religious conversion.
And when Israel was created as a Jewish State, it was this Jewishness that became the prime concern and yardstick of belonging. Totally unlike an America where your Jewishness or non-Jewishness makes not the slightest difference, where your national origin becomes irrelevant to the fact that you were born in the country or acquired enough residence in the country to make you an American. Totally different from anything that the western liberal, democratic world knows. And so, the worm wiggles again. This definition of a "Jew" that Zionism accepts and bases its state on —this is equality? This is democracy? This is racism!!!
What will President Herzog and the Knesset and all the alphabet Jewish groups say to all this? Why, they will rise in great indignation and proclaim, "No, this is not racism, this is how the Jew is defined. The Jew is different from other people. He is not defined in the usual, western manner and we cannot create Jews from that which they are not."
And they would continue, "No, what we do in Israel by giving Jews and denying non-Jews automatic citizenship is not racism, it is self-preservation. If we wish to create a Jewish state then we must guarantee that it will have a majority of Jews. We must, in a word, sacrifice equality and democracy for our own national interest, our own national existence."
How remarkable similar to Kahane!
Of course, I fully agree. And, of course, Zionism is not racism, because racism means the absolute and permanent relegation of one race or people or color to a position of inferiority, whereas Judaism decrees that all who wish to convert properly and according to halacha may, indeed, do so and thus become Jewish and equal to every other Jew and quality under the Law of Return that applies to Jews. Judaism, Zionism, proclaim not the racism of the Jews, but his havdala, his separation and difference, a status that is not biological but ideological. And the moment that the non-Jew adopts the ideology and becomes Jewish, the havdala drops away.
But if Zionism is not racism, it certainly is not democratic and

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it can never be so. For it is not democratic to demand that one become a Jew to benefit from the Law of Return. And it is certainly not democratic to define Israel as the Jewish State with the implication that one cannot allow non-Jews to become a majority. And this is the real tragedy and dilemma for the poor secular Herzogs and Zionists and A-Z Establishment types. They would dearly love to present Zionism as the paragon of democracy and equality. They cannot.
I suggest to the Israeli schizophrenics to be extremely careful. For it you define what Meir Kahane says as "racist," and then ban it, you will legitimize the U.N. resolution that illegitimizes Zionism. For what I say is Zionism, true and logical. I call for a Jewish State with political rights only for Jews as the logical extension of the Law of Return of Zionism. The latter discriminates against non-Jews, not for racist reasons, but for sane self-preservation, and I do the same. But it takes courage to go all the way. I attempt to guarantee that the aim of Zionism, a Jewish State, a state with a majority of Jews, will not be destroyed. I attempt to put an end to the insanity of a State of Israel, defined in its Declaration of Independence as "the Jewish State," granting the Arabs the opportunity to destroy Zionism. Kahane is the purest and most honest of Zionists and the law that attempts to smear him will destroy Zionism itself and Israel.
Knesset of Israel, U.S. Jewish leaders of the dwarf persuasion, the rabbis warn us: "Wise men, heed your words." Knesset of Israel, American Jewish leaders of the dwarf persuasion, remember, the same admonition holds true for fools too.
Zionism. Western democracy. One is east and the other west and the twain do not meet. The terribly uncomfortable question remains to haunt the thoughts and lives of comfortable Jews who will remain from this day and forever, increasingly uncomfortable. Democratic, liberal, humanist, Zionist: Do the Arabs have the right to become the majority in Israel, through democratic, peaceful means? Again, the question is hardly an academic one. It is all too terribly real, for Zionism's enemy —an Arab majority — grows not only bolder but much closer.

Chapter 5
Demography, Democracy and Demogoguery
The Histadrut —the giant labor union and industrial conglomerate of the left in Israel — publishes a regular branch paper in Jerusalem called Ba'Moetza. Its March-April 1986 issue carried a story under the banner headline:
THE JEWISH-ARAB CIRCLE CONDEMNS JEWISH KAHANISM
Clearly, the democratic forces of the left in Jerusalem were joining the progressive circles of the Jewish State in firmly taking a firm, no-nonsense stand against the reactionary forces who preyed on Jewish fears of growing Arab danger. How curious, therefore, to note that on page one of the very same issue, the progressive labor union of Shimon Peres carried a story under the remarkable heading:
IN THE YEAR 2010 THERE WILL BE MORE ARABS THAN JEWS IN JERUSALEM
The story did, indeed, describe the sharp rise in the Arab population of Jerusalem and then stated: "There is no doubt that these figures must trouble the government."
Fascinating is the complex mind of the complex Jew. Fascinating. And most fascinating is the amazing hypocrisy and even more astonishing utter lack of awareness of it by the selective Jewish leftists and liberals in Israel. Surely, there is something awe-inspiring about a people who can, in the very same issue of their paper, decry "Kahanism" that warns against the danger of Arab Population growth which could destroy the Jewish State from within, and then says that such a possibility must worry the government! Surely there is something malignantly ill with a soul that can swear to the Arabs that they are equal to Jews and then become hysterical over the possibility that these "equal" individuals may become the majority.

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But, of course, the hypocrisy and demogoguery that surround the Arab demographic threat are not limited to the Histadrut. The government of Israel —which searches as with candles in the night for every opportunity to swear its fealty to the principle of absolute equality of Arabs in Israel, while lashing out at the "racist" attitudes of those who speak of the contradiction between Zionism and western democracy —bares its awesome hypocrisy regularly, and seemingly without the slightest awareness of
perfidy.
On June 19, 1985, Labor party Knesset Member Aharon Nahmias (also Vice-Speaker of the Knesset), presented a motion in Parliament to urgently debate the problem of Jews leaving the Galilee and the danger of an Arab majority in the sensitive northern region that borders on Lebanon, the Golan Heights and Samaria. Warning that some 16,000 Jews had left the Galilee in 1984, Nahmias spoke of the Galilee's "emptying of its Jewish inhabitants."
The democratic Knesset of Israel, poised on the verge of passing an anti-racist bill aimed at those who would place Jews and Arabs on different footing, for some reason suddenly became alarmed at the "danger" of Arab citizens of Israel becoming a majority, and it was agreed that the motion should indeed be debated in the Interior Committee. There, "racism" continued its incredible march in the democratic Knesset as Zohar Gindel, Director of the Labor Ministry's Development Towns Advisory Bureau, told the committee (May 22, 1986) that in December 1985, the Arabs in the Galilee outnumbered the Jews (355,000 against 352,000) and that "the situation was worsening."
"Worsening"? What Israeli Arab, told that he was an equal citizen, exactly like the Jew, would not rise up in anger at a Knesset Committee listening to a government official speaking of Arab growth as a situation that was "worsening"? And what democrat would not be appalled by the conclusion of the democratic, racism-hating Knesset Committee (July 14, 1986) that "settlement of the Galilee and the increase of its Jewish population are a national objective of the government."
Truly the fraud and perfidy of the Israeli government would be comical if not so sad.
And yet, this was as nothing compared to the panic that broke out among the progressives and democrats of the government in the wake of a study released by Professor Roberto Bacchi, head of the Hebrew University's Statistics Department. The study (April,

1986) warned of the dire effects of the demographic problem of Israel which sees the Arab birthrate threatening to make them an ever-growing number of the population.
The academician never did bother to explain why he, a liberal, an enlightened professor was worried about certain Israeli citizens becoming a majority merely because they were Arab, but the Knesset went into action and the problem was debated in the House in May, 1986. And thus spoke Moshe Katzav, the Minister of Labor of the democratic "equal rights to all Arabs" State of Israeli:
"Since 1965, the rate of growth has been much smaller among Jews than non-Jews in the Israeli population. While between 1952-1964, the annual growth of Jews average 3.7% as opposed to 3.8% for non-Jews, between 1965-1978 the Jewish rate dropped to 2.4% and the non-Jews rose to 4%. Since 1979, this trend has sharpened in a most serious manner. The annual growth average among Jews is only 1.8%."
That the facts and figures are frightening is indisputable. But only if you agree with Kahane that Jews and non-Jews are not equal in a Jewish State which seeks to insure that Jews should be the majority. But if you consider this "Kahanism" to be racist, why be alarmed if a certain kind of equal Israeli citizen, i.e., Arab, grows at a larger rate than another kind of equal Israeli citizen, i.e., Jew?
It was not long before the cabinet itself debated the critical issue, and on May 11, 1986, issued the following declaration:
"1) The government is troubled by the demographic trends in Israel and the Diaspora and is especially concerned over the slowing of the population growth in the State of Israel."
Clearly, the government — true to form —was less than honest. It was not concerned over the slow "population" growth, it was troubled by the slowdown of the Jewish population growth. And, indeed, in its second paragraph, it bit the Jewish bullet:
"The government decided to adopt a wide and coordinated demographic policy that will strive to guarantee an acceptable level of Jewish population growth."
There is little doubt that this resolution is one that will go down in the annals of western democracy, and which brought cheering Arabs into the streets of their state. . . .
Of course the problem is serious. It is catastrophic. In an article on Passover Eve, 1986, Davar editor Hana Zemer, citing the incredible fact that, despite the vastly larger number of Jews in

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the country the number of young Arab and Jewish youngsters below the age of 14 is now the same, warns of the demographic threat to the existence of Israel. A feeling of helplessness and depression sweeps the land. The army magazine, BaMachane (November 17, 1982), writes: "The Arabs of Israel are the world leaders in rate of population growth, and in its wake there grows and is felt a deep danger that is almost impossible to deal with."
In a thoughtful letter to the newspaper Haaretz (June 30, 1986), Dov Friedlander goes over the various demographic schemes and gloomily admits: "There can never be a solution of demographic policy to the problem of a large and growing Arab population;" And the article in Yediot Aharonot (May 15, 1986) headed: "Significant Rise in the Number of Non-Jews in Tel Aviv," merely points out the obvious fact that every city in Israel is seeing a large increase of non-Jews as Jews flee.
The problem has been obvious for years to all those who wished to see. Clearly, few have. All are ripped apart by their dedication to Western democratic values and have not the courage to choose between those and Zionism. Thus, some look away with a silent prayer that somehow they will wake up one day and the problem will have disappeared. Others simply lie about the situation and the facts. The worst of these offenders are the right-wing parties —especially Tchiya, right wing secular nationalists.
For years, unable to respond to Kach arguments, Tchiya leaders, notably Geula Cohen and Yuval N'eman, have spread the blatant falsehood that the Arabs of the territories are leaving. As a lie it was a clever one, because they were leaving. The trouble was that they were not leaving permanently and the right-wingers knew it.
Arabs were leaving to work in the oil states, in Saudi Arabia and around the Persian Gulf. But they were sending their checks back to their families and had every intention of returning. Indeed, by 1984 the newspaper Haaretz (June 26) carried a front page story headline:
SECURITY SOURCES: SIGNS OF A RETURN OF ARABS TO THE WEST BANK AND GAZA
The story began: "In the wake of the Iran-Iraq war and the economic pressures in the oil states, the past few months have seen a change in the balance of people leaving and coming into the West Bank. Many residents there cancelled plans to go out to

the Gulf states to seek work and a movement has been seen of returnees who have been left unemployed there."
On August 17, 1984, Maariv ran a story that began:
"On the Jordan bridges there has been recorded, in the past months, an increase of 30-40% of those entering from Jordan, mostly residents of Judea and Samaria who work in the oil states of the Persian Gulf.
"In the Civil Administration (Israeli) it is believed that part of the 2500 who return daily will remain in their cities and towns because of layoffs in the Gulf states and Jordan. Not a few have stated that this time they have returned for good 'because we did not find a better place than our homeland.'"
And sure enough, on April 17, 1986, Yediot Aharonot carried a wire service report that stated:
"The Arab states in the Persian gulf and Saudi Arabia have decided to expel from their borders 1.5 million foreign workers, especially Palestinian and Shiite Lebanese. Those expelled will return to their countries no later than 1987."
So much for political fraud. So much for the myth of Arabs "leaving."
The real truth lies in the fact that the Galilee in Israel today has a majority of Arabs, and Jews are afraid to drive at night through Arab villages there. Jewish cars are stoned on the Acre-Safad road and as far back as March 14, 1980, the headline in a Maariv story about one Jewish settlement in the midst of a sea of Arabs in the Galilee read simply:
53 JEWS AMONG 40,000 ARABS . . .
Ironically, the demographic danger underlines the greatest weakness of the nationalist, secular groups. A party like right-wing Tchiya, unable to muster the courage to call for Arab expulsion and yet committed to the annexation of the territories, is forced to propose a "democratic" solution under which Arabs would have the option of choosing either Jordanian or Israeli citizenship. The question, the so-obvious question, is: What if they choose Israeli citizenship. Obviously all that Israel lacks today is another million or so Arab citizens. . . . Perhaps we should note the news item that appeared in the Israeli press (August 30, 1984):
"A member of the Jordanian Parliament is seeking Israeli citizenship. Friends in Jerusalem explained last night that it is

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only natural that a Jerusalem-born individual would seek to guard his right to live in the city whenever he wished to."
And in an interview with the leftist magazine Koteret Rashit (November 13, 1985), Dr. Sari Nuseiba, professor at Bir Zeit University and son of a former Jordanian cabinet minister (from Jerusalem) Anwar Nuseiba, repeated his statement, in an article in the Arab weekly A l-Maukaf, that he seeks Israeli annexation of the territories and the granting of citizenship to Arabs there. His goal is obvious: A huge Arab minority, and soon a majority, to end Israel, legally, peacefully and, above all, democratically.
This was clearly the point being made by Dr. Tahar Cnaan, Jordanian Minister for Affairs of the "Conquered Land" (sic), when in December, 1985, he called for "the correct use of the Arab demographic issue in the conquered areas in Palestine, in order to cause cracks in the Zionist entity."
Given this obvious, naked demographic threat to a Jewish State, the pathetic calls of the Jewish leftists and liberals to give up the territories grow louder:
"If we do not give up the 'occupied territories' we will become a bi-national state and then a minority of Jews. Only if we give up Judea-Samaria and Gaza will we be able to keep Israel as a democratic, Jewish State." The call of the wild left.
Thus speak the democratic, liberal moralists. Did they ever consider what the Arabs inside Israel (pre-1967) think about the liberal desire to keep Israel a "Jewish" State? About the call to get rid of land in order to get rid of Arabs? What joy and brotherhood this means for the Arab who is told —daily —by the liberal, leftist hypocrite that he, the Arab, is equal to the Jew and that the struggle is against the racism of "Kahanism"?
And who of any remote touch of sanity would take us back to the horror and danger of extermination of 1967 when, with the same borders envisaged by the leftists (for anything less than that would not even earn a passing yawn from the most "moderate" of Arabs), Israel's existence hung on a thread? Who is prepared to bring the enemy back to within 15 miles of the sea, their artillery and missiles looking down from the Samarian hills into the lights of Tel Aviv and the coastal cities? Who agrees with the mad hatters of the Left on a step that can only be characterized as an irrational attempt to commit suicide lest we be killed?
But the main point is, of course, that this mad move will save Israel nothing more than a handful of years before the same inevitable population deluge. The Arab birthrate danger continues in

all its terror within the State of Israel, just as within the territories. The Arab population explosion in Israel means that in 15 or 20 years we face the same danger of an Arab majority. And these Arabs are all citizens. And they are all educated. And they all hate the fact that they —Arabs—are forced to live in a Jewish state.
The simple, if unnerving, question for Jewish democrats is: If G-d grants us peace and there will be no war with the Arabs; if Arafat becomes a born-again penitent crying out to the Arabs of Israel, "Make love not war"; if that is exactly what the Arabs make each night, love not war, how many Arabs will there be in Israel in ten years? How many equal rights Arab citizens of Israel will there be? How many equal rights Arab citizens will sit in the Knesset of the democratic State of Israel in 10 years? How many equal rights Arab citizens will sit on the sensitive Committee on Foreign Affairs and Security in 10 years, to hear a top-secret report from the Chief of Staff? Better still, for all the barricade climbers for democracy and equal rights, perhaps the Chief of Staff will be an Arab? Fascinating. And how many Arabs will there be in 15 years? And how long before they are a quarter, a third, a majority? Most uncomfortable questions for a shrinking number of comfortable Jews.
The Arabs inside Israel who are rapidly becoming radicalized as they free themselves from the bands of the corrupt village chiefs and learn in the Israeli schools and from their Jewish leftist friends about Marxism and democracy, will grow and grow and demand more of the national cake. If they have 20% of the population and then 25% and then one-third, they will not only sit in the Knesset with a massive bloc, but they will join with the leftists in an attempt to form a coalition government, even as they demonstrate for Arab Cabinet ministers and vice-ministers and director-generals of those ministries.
Above all, in the democratic state of Israel where laws passed by the left favor Jewish immigrants, bar Arabs from owning state land and which commit the state to be a Jewish one, there will be an explosion of violence as the Galilee and the Triangle become the Northern Ireland of Israel. And liberal western Jews who give to the UJA, who swear by their temple rabbis, who denounce Kahane and who love Israel and democracy, will sit by their television sets each night watching Jewish soldiers and police shooting at rioting Arabs who burn cars, throw stones and shoot back at the security forces. Is that what we want? No, but that is pre-

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cisely what we will get.
And how many troops will be needed in case of a war, just to remain in the rear, to watch over the Arabs, the loyal Arabs? And what an immense Fifth Column will be a generation of young, educated, radical Arabs —so utterly different from their frightened, cowed, uneducated fathers? And what will they do, knowing that their fellow Arab armies are fighting the Jewish one in order to end the Zionist state and create a "Palestine"? Of course, they will do nothing. Of course they will sit quietly perhaps even volunteering to fight the Palestinian and Arab "enemy." Of course . . .
In the face of all this, the two-legged lemmings of the Mosaic faith have no answers. None. Consider this almost unbelievable excerpt from a Knesset session (December 2, 1985).
The speaker was Knesset Member Nachman Raz of the Labor party and chairman of the Knesset Committee on Education, speaking about the problem of keeping the territories of Judea-Samaria-Gaza:
RAZ: "If all the people in the territories who live under our rule enjoy the same rights as we do, then you have a democratic problem. They can become the majority. If not, there is no democracy. . . . The solution is simply not to rule over them and not over the territories in which they reside."
At this point, Knesset Member Geula Cohen asked: "And what will be within the State of Israel?"
RAZ: "In the State of Israel they will have equal rights." COHEN: "When they are a majority?"
RAZ: "They will not be a majority. When they reach the point of threatening our status as the majority, we will begin to think about it."
The Chairman of the Knesset Committee on Education. G-d
help Israeli education.
Had the above appeared in a satire or farce, it would have, indeed, been comical. But it was a deadly serious exchange in the Knesset by a man who is one of the foremost opponents of. Kahane's "racist" plan to forestall an Arab majority by transferring them out of the country. His mind is truly the knife of logic:
1) They will never by the majority.
2) When they start threatening to be the majority, then we will
begin to think about it. . . .


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Demography, Democracy and Demogoguery
Yes, two thousand years of exile leave their trace on the bewildered, confused, mind-wandering Jew.
And yet, the very same insanity —is there a more apt word? — occurred two nights after my appearance on the ABC television show, "Nightline." This time the guest was Prime Minister Shi-rnon Pares and when the host Ted Koppel mentioned that I had been on two nights earlier and had posed both the problem of Arab majority and the solution of removal from the country, he then asked the Prime Minister what his solution was. The answer, after a number of irrelevant sentences, was: As of now, we have
none.
As of now? And when will the Prime Minister begin looking for one? Perhaps when they reach the Razian point of "threatening our status as the majority"? And when is that? When they become a third of the country? Forty per cent? How typical, this ghetto mentality of waiting until the knife is on the throat to say: Perhaps the time to do something has come.
How best to end the chapter? How best to emphasize the danger and the madness of the present Jewish leadership?
Perhaps it would be to point out that not only do Israeli Arabs have many babies, but we pay them for each one. . . . Every month, for every Arab baby (as with every Jewish one, for we are democrats and non-racists), the Arab receives a check from the National Insurance Institute. He receives a subsidy for each and every one of his children. One child is good for one check; two for two, ten for ten checks and twenty brings a book of checks. . . . Indeed, one of the most exciting moments for any tourist is a suggested visit to the main post office in Jerusalem (as one example) on the day of the month when the checks are issued and there to watch the huge lines of Arabs waiting to cash them. If one is polite, he will surely be able to ask how many checks his friendly Arab is holding. He can then double his contribution to the United Jewish Appeal.
Is it any wonder that, from far-away Cairo, PLO chief Yasir Arafat — through an interview in the paper Al Ahbar (May 1986) —called for Palestinian women to increase their rate of childbirth? Arafat in a parody of the Biblical injunction "be faithful and multiply and fill the conquered land," told the newspaper that the thing that most concerned the Israeli establishment was the high Arab birth rate. This is "a biological Palestinian bomb in the conquered land," he said.
True. Too true. And the answer? I, of course have mine. What

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is yours, opponent of Kahanism? A most uncomfortable question to an increasingly less comfortable Jew.
Chapter 6
Arabs with "Jewish" Heads
Not far from the Jewish town of Ma'alot in the upper Galilee, stands the Arab village of Mi'ilya. Jewish Ma'alot, of course, became tragically world-famous some years ago when its school was seized by Arab terrorists and more than twenty-children died as Israeli soldiers stormed the building. Arab Mi'ilya is not as well known, no Jews ever having seized and murdered its children. Nevertheless, it is more than important that Jews who visit the Wall and Masada and the kibbutz and the Dead Sea, get a glimpse of the Galilee Arab village —and some of its inhabitants. For few tourists who see Jerusalem of Gold ever see Israel of Reality. Worse, precious few Israelis do. . . .
Mi'ilya is a prosperous village. Construction goes on constantly as the Arabs there build homes or add rooms to their present ones. Nearly every family has a vehicle and many are new ones. It is a Christian Arab village, for the most part, hence according to existing Jewish mythology, "moderate." Many of its inhabitants possess a higher education. In short, it is the very model of the modern, progressive Israeli Arab village, which, thanks to liberal, humane, progressive Jews, will produce "good" Arabs.
And so, meet Salim. Salim lives in Mi'ilya and does quite well, thank you. He is an attorney, as are his wife and his brother, all three sharing an office in the Jewish city of Nahariya. He speaks Hebrew fluently (being a graduate of Hebrew University) and, in his jeans, no one could possibly know that he is not an Israeli Jew. But when asked by the Israeli weekly Newsview (October 16, 1984) to describe himself, this is what the Christian, educated, prosperous attorney, beneficiary of Jewish liberalism and coexistence, had to say:
"First of all I'm a Palestinian. Then I'm an Arab. Last, I'm a Christian. I also happen to live in Israel but I don't feel I'm an

Israeli citizen. I can't be a real citizen of Israel as long as it's a Jewish State which discriminates against non-Jews. The Law of Return says any Jew anywhere in the world has a right to settle in this country. Yet my own people who once lived here, are refugees in Lebanon and the Gulf, and don't have the right".
A word of explanation is more than in order. The Law of Return. Every progressive, liberal Jew knows that the struggle against Kahanism, racism, must be fought unto the death. Kahanism we are told by every Jewish leader from Chaim Herzog, Israeli President, to Conference of Jewish Presidents, is the very antithesis of Zionism, which is democracy and liberalism and humanism from the top of its ideology to the tip of its philosophy. And the Law of Return is the very heart of the democratic, liberal, humanist, Zionist state, that is, the very antithesis of racist Kahanism. And just what does this Law of Return, the law that sets down the rules for immigration and the right to live in Israel, say? Just what does a truly Zionist law passed by David Ben-Gurion, of blessed memory, set down?
THE LAW OF RETURN (1950)
1. Every Jew is entitled to immigrate to the Land.
2. An immigration permit shall be given to every Jew who
expresses his desire to settle in Israel . . .
Every Jew. Any Jew. The Law of Return of the State of Israel. Passed by the Labor Zionist government of David Ben-Gurion. Every Jew. Any Jew.
Question: If David Ben-Gurion had not passed such a law; if the State of Israel did not have such a law and Meir Kahane proposed precisely such a law—word for word—what would the Labor Zionist party of David Ben-Gurion say? What would the President of Israel, the Prime Minister, the Knesset Speaker, the News media, the intellectuals, the B'nai B'rith, the American Jewish Committee and The New York Times have said? Need I tell you?
But let us return to Salim and his complaint that in a Jewish State Arabs cannot be first-class citizens, that a Jewish state cannot be fully truly democratic to all its citizens. Not true? But it is true. And just as important is the fact that, unlike Jews who flee as from the devil from the awful, painful reality of the contradiction, Salim faces it and gives his answer—Salim's choice:

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"We're against Arabs participating in Israeli elections because this legitimizes the Jewish State." And, again: "We could accept a West Bank state only as far as a first step to the liberation of the
Galilee."
Liberation of the Galilee? Surely, our educated, enlightened Christian Arab, the beneficiary of the Jewish largesse and darling of the United Jewish Appeal and Hadassah women, must be joking. The Galilee? Of course, all progressive Jews join with him in deploring Israeli occupation of areas that do not belong to her, such as the West Bank (Judea-Samaria) and Gaza, the Biblical areas where Jewish ancestors lived and created their own Jewish states. But to speak of the liberation of the Galilee? An area that is part of the State of Israel, that is Jewish? How can Salim say
such a thing?
Easily. For Salim does not believe that the Galilee is "Jewish." For Salim, like countless other Israeli Arabs who live in Israel, does not believe that "Israel" should be Jewish. He does not believe that Israel should be. And this is what he says, in the same
interview:
"We are against Arabs participating in Israeli elections because
this legitimizes the Jewish State."
To liberate the Galilee is an obvious thing to Salim, who remembers that until 1948, the Galilee was overwhelmingly Arab and that its entire western part was originally given by the United Nations Partition Plan of 1947 to the projected Arab state. In the war that followed, the Jews overran the entire Galilee and tens of thousands of Arabs fled the country. Salim is, of course, also interested in "liberating" Hebron and Shchem and Jericho and Bethlehem and all of the Judea-Samaria-Gaza-Golan territories that Jewish lemmings of the leftist persuasion call "occupied." But Salim, living in the Galilee, is not interested in moving to any Palestine state that might be set up in those "occupied lands." He intends to stay in "occupied Galilee," and fight to liberate that, so that it too can join the ever-larger "Palestine" that will know no peace until it liberates all of Israel.
And Salim is hardly alone in his hope for Galilee liberation.
July 2, 1979, was a typically beautiful Jerusalem day. Not a cloud in the sky, warm breezes wafting through the late afternoon air and 6,000 Israeli citizens gathered in front of their Parliament, the Knesset. Six thousands citizens, come in a hundred buses from the Galilee to their center of government. Six thousand citizens; from the Galilee; Arabs. They had come, in

one of the largest Knesset demonstrations ever, to protest the "Judaizing" of the Galilee, and their posters, bold and harsh, told the story:
"With blood and spirit we will liberate the Galilee." "The Galilee to the Arabs, Jews out."
No, Salim is not alone; the overwhelming majority of Israeli Arabs agree. All would rather live in their Arab Palestine than in Jewish Israel. Too many are convinced that it is just a matter of time before they will be living in Palestine without having to move from the Galilee.
And so Salim, the new Israeli Arab of Israel, is not any longer afraid to openly say to a reporter in Israel that which the vast majority of Arabs in the Jewish state passionately think in their hearts:
"We Palestinians of the Galilee are basically all in the same boat. We all felt the same during the katyusha (rocket) attacks (from Lebanon of the Galilee). The Jews in Ma'alot went into their shelters and we went up on the roof to watch. No rockets fell on Mi'ilya or Tarshiha (the Arab town twinned with Jewish Ma'alot). The katyushas raised our morale. I felt the man firing them from the other side of the border was my brother fighting for his land. When Israel invaded Lebanon and the PLO lost its position there, all of us were shocked and depressed."
I can imagine that the ordinary Jew, simple and naive, a captive of the absurd and deceitful Jewish Establishment propaganda concerning Jewish-Arab co-existence in Israel, in reading Salim's words, is also shocked and depressed. I am too, I am shocked and depressed that any Jew is shocked and depressed. I am shocked and depressed that any Jew is so blind and obtuse and ignorant of Arab national pride that he should be shocked and depressed upon reading Salim's words. They are so logical, so obvious, so self-explanatory. They are the words of an Arab who has no need for "understanding." He understands perfectly. He understands that Zionism believes in a Jewish State in which the Jew rules and that he wishes a Palestinian state in which the Arab rules. Even if he were not an attorney with an LLB from Hebrew University he would understand that. It is only the two-legged lemmings of the Mosaic persuasion who persist in fleeing in terror from the terrible (for them) reality.
The average Jew has not the slightest idea of what is happening today inside Arab Israel. One can pray at the Wall, climb Masada, gorge himself at the King David Hotel, walk tourist row

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in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, swim in the Dead Sea —but have not the slightest understanding of what Israel is, what volcanic eruptions are stirring beneath its surface, what terrible clashes and contradictions stand between the Jew and Arab. But if the ignorance of the Jew of the Exile is a tragedy, then the one who lives in Israel and refuses to understand is more than a tragic figure. He is a criminal who will bring down disaster on his own children and, of course, on everyone else.
Salim is, in the end, more than a person. He is a concept. He represents the thinking of the Arab in Israel. The one who can never be a Zionist because he is not a Jew. The one who can never desire a Jewish State that makes him, de facto, unequal to the Jewish citizen.
Ten minutes from the bustling Jewish city of Kfar Saba on the coastal plain of the Jewish State, stands the Israeli town of Tayba. It is an Arab town, whose living standards are —to quote any proud UJA fund-raiser or Israeli cabinet minister — higher than those of the average Arab town in the Arab world. And in August, 1984, with the lights burning (courtesy of the Jewish state) and the plumbing working to perfection in both kitchen and water cooler closets (courtesy of the Jewish state), Tayba held a Festival of Palestinian Tradition, created and produced and executed by Arab intellectuals and artists (courtesy of the Jewish state). The entire production was under the chairmanship of one Salah Barnasi, once one of the leaders of the Israeli Arab organization, Al-Ard (The Land) which refused to recognize "the authority of the State of Israel over the territory which it rules." This was, of course, in 1959, before the "occupied lands" of 1967. ...
And as the festival moved on, a speaker rose and cried: "They wanted us to forget. They wanted us to forget. We dare not forget; long live the revolution, long live the PLO " (Hadashot, August 23, 1984). The crowd, excited, moved toward the platform, fists in the air, many with the PLO "V" for victory sign. Ten minutes from Kfar Saba, which in turn is twenty minutes from Tel Aviv.
On July 24, 1982, the same town was the scene of a rally. According to the Jerusalem Post (July 25) "scores of youths chanted, 'Zionists go home, the land of Palestine is ours and free.' The paper added: "One of the speakers at the rally, Anayat Burgul, a biology student at Bar Ilan University (an Israeli University founded and funded by religious Jews from the United States),

said: 'Palestinians in Israel and everywhere else have no leadership but the PLO.'" Other slogans heard at the rally were: "With blood and power we shall reclaim Palestine," and "Begin, Begin, katyushas will fall again on Kiryat Shmona (the Jewish town in the Galilee)."
No, there is no end to the suspicion that a large section of Jewish people is in need of a national couch. How else explain the fact that in the Knesset, Arab member Muhamad Miari rose (October 15, 1985) to deny the right of the Jewish people to Israel? I quote from the Knesset minutes:
MIARI: The State of Israel is not the state of the Jewish people but of the citizens who live there as citizens of the State of Israel. I said this, we have said it, and we shall continue to struggle for this."
There could be no clearer challenge to the State of Israel as a Zionist, Jewish State, created by the Jewish people for the Jewish people. The Arab claim (a cunningly temporary one) that it belongs only to its citizens who live there, is meant to pave the way for a time when the State of Israel will have a majority of Arabs who will then have the legal right, under this definition, of undoing all the Zionist laws that give preference to the Jews, especially in terms of immigration. Miari was paving a legal way for the realization of the statement by an Israeli Arab teacher, N'ama Saud of the Israeli Arab village of Araba, to the Israeli newspaper Ma'ariv (May 28, 1976):
"Now we are a minority. The state is democratic. Who says that in the year 2000 we will still be a minority? Today I accept the fact that this is a Jewish State with an Arab minority. When we will be the majority, I will not accept a Jewish state with an Arab majority."
It could not have been put more bluntly. More clearly. And for those still tied to the illusion that at least the Druze accept the permanent fact of Israel as Jewish State, in that very same Knesset session (October 15, 1985), Druze Knesset Member Zaydan Atshi said: "The State of Israel belongs to those who live in it." There they sit, in the Jewish Knesset of the Jewish State, openly denying the Jewishness of that state. I hardly blame them. I understand them. I will never understand the Jew. . . .
But there is more to this psychoanalyst's delight. In the same Knesset sits Tewfik Zayad, the Communist Party's mayor of Nazareth. Zayed is also a poet, the author of an artistic paean of praise to the Egyptian tanks that crushed the bodies of the Israeli

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soldiers during the Yom Kippur War. A Knesset committee took the "bold" step of declaring his poem "incompatible with the oath taken by a Knesset member pledging allegence to the State of Israel." Naturally, no penalty was imposed.
Zayad, as early as 1976, waved high the banner of democracy and proportional quotas in the best tradition of Jewish liberals of the American Jewish Committee or B'nai B'rith persuasion and said that, as a minority, constituting (then) 15 percent of Israel's population, the Arabs should be allotted three ministerial cabinet posts, 18 Knesset seats and a proportionate number of senior posts in the various ministries (Jerusalem Post, May 2, 1976). Breathes there a democrat with soul so dead who would not agree? Breathes there a normal Jew with brain so unwarped who would not cry out: Never!
Not for nothing did Zayad and the other Arab Knesset members rise up in anger over a proposed bill by Knesset member Pihnas Goldstein in March 1984, proclaiming "Hatikva" as the official national anthem of Israel and making it a crime to insult it. Knesset member Zayad called Goldstein's bill "racist" and he and the heads of the Arab town councils demanded a new anthem that would be "acceptable" to Arabs and which would recognize the Jewish-Arab "partnership" in the country.
What was bothering the Arabs of Israel, the Jewish State? Just that. "Hatikva." An anthem whose words breathe Jewishness and which sets the tone of Israel as Jewish State. "Hatikva," written in the early days of modern Zionism, is a Jewish anthem:
"As long as deep in the heart
the soul of a Jew yearns,
And towards the East
an eye looks to Zion—
Our hope is not yet lost,
the hope of 2,000 years—
To be a free people in our land,
The land of Zion and Jerusalem."
Said Asad Aziaza, council head of the Israeli Arab village of Duburiya:
"I cannot ask an Arab child in school to stand at attention and sing 'the soul of a Jew yearns.' I am not against a national anthem but it must apply to all its citizens of the state —including Arabs."
Aziaza's solution? Instead of the "soul of a Jew yearns," let it

read, "the soul of an Israeli yearns." Such a change, of course, is exactly what all Arabs in Israel want: A state which is not a Jewish one, not one that belongs to the Jewish people including those who live outside the country, but an "Israeli" one, that belongs only to those who live there—Jews and Arabs; an "Israel" which is acceptable until the first opportunity to turn it into "Palestine."
And that, of course, is precisely what Miari has in mind when he tells the Jerusalem Post (August 8, 1984) that he wants "changes in the national anthem and all national symbols to accommodate Arab feelings."
One, of course, cannot but sympathize with any Arab who — quite understandably —finds it difficult to sing of a "Jewish soul." The solution, however, is hardly the dismantling of the Jewishness of Israel. The answer is for the uncomfortable Arab to move to a country which sings of an Arab soul that yearns, and where he will be comfortably at home. As positive and ideologically confident are the Arabs of Israel, so are its gentilized Jews confused, schizophrenic and warped by guilt and depression. Jewish liberals, leftists, and intellectuals, those who make up the gentilized Hebrew of the land, clearly feel the utter contradiction between their sterile, secular Zionism and their western, gentilized liberal values. Thus, Uzi Benzamin, a member of the editorial staff of the newspaper Haaretz, wrote a piece for the Jewish Telegraphic Agency on June 10, 1976, in which he painfully brought out the problem and reached a conclusion which speaks volumes for himself and the Hellenists he represents:
"Israel was created to enable the Jews to have their own independent state where they would implement the Zionist vision of a restoration of sovereign national life. But relations between the Arab inhabitants and the Jews living in and immigrating to Israel were never sufficiently defined and clarified. . . .
"The real problem, after all, is rooted in the very definition of me State as a Jewish country which allows the Arab minority to have its own life. Relations between the Jewish majority and the Arab minority cannot be described in the same terms as relations between the Anglophone Canadians and their French minority (and even they have quite severe problems). Relations between Jews and Arabs are complicated because the majority represents a unique entity that embodies a religion and a nationhood while the minority belongs to a larger, supra-national entity which exists, in different national forms, along the borders of Israel.
"A new definition of the Israeli nation is needed. . . . The Jew-

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ish people, as a whole, must ask itself whether the existence of a Jewish independent state is an important value which deserves a personal sacrifice."
One can only hope that every Jew who reads the words of Benzamin, a bitter and irrational hater of Meir Kahane, understands what the Hellenist is saying. For if he does, he will finally begin to grasp who the enemy of the Jewish people and of a Jewish State really is.
A new definition of the Israeli "nation" is needed. Benzamin is afraid to state clearly what that definition is for him—a state which is no longer defined as "Jewish" and which will no longer insist on Jewish majority and sovereignty. But he also deliberately uses a counterfeit concept, "Israeli nation," when no such concept exists. There is no Israeli nation. There is only an Israeli State which belongs to the Jewish nation.
Indeed, under Judaism, the country was called the Land of Israel because it belonged to the People of Israel and logically the new Jewish State that arose in 1948 should have been called Judea because it belongs to the people of Judea, the Jews. Benzamin, a guilt-ridden Hellenist, wants a change. He needs a change. He wishes to see the end of a Jewish State and comes a step away from saying it:
"The Jewish people must ask itself whether the existence of a Jewish independent State is an important value which deserves a personal sacrifice."
The outrage and the obscenity of this confused Israeli! For 2,000 years his ancestors made personal and national sacrifices for that greatest of Jewish values—a Jewish independent state—and this product of western Hellenism, riven by guilt and self-hate, dares to suggest that the dream of 2,000 years, the sublime Jewish value of a Jewish State, be abandoned.
Benzamin, having been given a state by Jews who were Zionists and who gave of themselves for a Jewish state, now takes this land that cost so much Jewish blood, blood of Jews who fought for Jewish sovereignty, and blithely decides that it is time to change it to a non-Jewish Israel in order to save himself from the problems and terror of Zionism. More than they are confused, the Hellenists of the left are also moral and intellectual cowards. For if Benzamin sees the problem as he does, and if the contradiction with democracy troubles him, let him leave and find a democratic country for himself where he can live in his kind of western state without the mental agonies that beset him in Israel.

Benzamin wishes to see the self-destruction of the Jewish State because in his twisted and pain-wracked soul he wishes to see the end of the Jewish people. What is needed is not a new definition of Israel but the passing of the generation of the desert of Uzi Benzamin, with their slave mentality, and the rise of a new Jewish generation, proud, free and cleaving to Judaism and nation.
This is the real struggle. The battle of the Jew against the Hellenist. On the one hand, the Jew who sees himself as part of a Jewish nation which is special and different and unique, with the ultimate of values; the Jew who sees the State of Israel as meaningful because it is part of the Land of Israel, a unique land for a special, chosen people, a Jewish state for a Jewish people. And on the other hand the Hellenist, who is stripped of all specific Jewish values, wracked by tortuous conflict between his accidental Jewishness and his chosen gentilization, riven by guilt, self-hate and dreaming of escape from his hideous hump-Judaism. The struggle between these two is the real struggle, a war, far transcending that between the Jews and the Arabs.
It is a war seen in novels such as the one by leftist Yoella Har-Shefi, Beyond the Gunsights: One Arab Family in the Promised Land. Naturally, as in a host of movies, plays and books by the disturbed, leftist Israeli Hellenists, the hero is an Arab. Naturally, there is love and intermarriage between an Arab and a Jewish female. Consider the deathless words of Maya, the Jewish girlfriend of the Arab hero: "He is our hope, our bridge to the Arab world. If we turn our backs on him we are destroying our future." And, of course, the main point of the author is stated by her alter ego in the novel:
"I think that all our discomfort about the Arab citizens stems from the fact that the State of Israel is actually a bi-national state though it refuses to admit this. . . . The Jewish state will be faithful to Jewish values as I understand them if its Jewish citizens do not have a preferred status over its non-Jewish citizens."
Clearly, neither Maya nor her creator, Ms. Har-Shefi, understand "Jewish values." Indeed, one wonders why liberals, universalists and humanists bother with such racist concepts as "Jewish" values rather than dropping such tribalistic nonsense and speaking instead of "human" ones. Surely, these would be much more easily accepted by their non-Jewish lovers and husbands.
The awesome realization of the contradictions between Zionism and western democratic and liberal values was grasped by some Jewish Hellenists even before the creation of the State. And,

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indeed, many of them were therefore opposed to the creation of a Jewish State during and immediately after the Holocaust. It is fascinating to see the extent of the effect of the Exile on the Jew. . . .
Thus, Albert Einstein, whose stepping out of his four ells of physics revealed the stupendous limitations of genius, wrote: "I should much rather see a reasonable agreement with the Arabs on the basis of living together than the creation of a Jewish State" (Out of My Later Years, 1950). The physicist's dream of a Jewish Lebanon was, thankfully, rejected by normal Jews but was pushed by men like the philosopher Martin Buber (whose brilliant device of writing things that no one could understand led to his elevation as a great thinker), and the former President of Hebrew University, Judah Magnes. They, in a sense, joined with the self-haters of anti-Zionism (Julius Rosenwald, Elmer Berger, Alfred Lilienthal and most of the Reform Jewish movement), whose views were symbolized by Congressman Julius Kahn of California. In a petition, (March 5, 1919) published in The New York Times and signed by a number of well known Jews, including the Times publisher himself, Adolph S. Ochs, Kahn stated:
"A Jewish State involves fundamental limitations as to race and religion, else the term 'Jewish' means nothing. 'The rights of other creeds and races will be respected under Jewish dominance' is the assurance of Zionism, but the keynotes of democracy are neither condescension nor tolerance, but justice and equality."
The latter-day apostle of anti-Zionism, Elmer Berger, put it rather similarly in a speech at Ohio's Heidelberg College on January 19, 1971:
"By definition, the State of Israel's Zionist 'Jewish people' nationality base cannot accommodate any number of 'non-Jewish people' nationals who might, in normal democratic procedures, threaten the 'Jewish character' of the state."
The anti-Zionists of pre-World War Israeli, and even afterwards, were people intensely afflicted with the Galut complex of "what will the gentile say?" The fascinating thing is that today they have been joined by the "proud" new Israeli-born Hellenist in calling for the same thing: An Israel that will not be "Jewish," and that will reject the concept of a State for the Jewish people, with sovereignty and political power limited to Jews.
And yet, in a way, there is even more madness involved in those Israelis who remain Zionists, who insist on a Jewish State and who then emerge with some of the most astounding statements seen outside of a freshman class in logic. Blissfully and blithely travel-

ing through life's minefields, they see nothing particularly dangerous in the environment. Thus, in a debate in the monthly Counterpoint (April 1986), Dr. Yosef Ginat, assistant to Ezer Weizman, and clearly his master's faithful voice, states: "There is nothing wrong with an Arab voting for a Zionist party. We want to see Israeli Arabs who are proud to be Arabs and proud to be Israelis. There is no contradiction between the two." Deathless prose; breathless logic. Reminding us of the cheerful words of former Advisor on Arab affairs to Menachem Begin, Binyamin Gur-Arye, who stated in 1980: "There is no radicalization of the Arabs in Israel ..." Or of former Defense Minister and top leader of Likud, Moshe Arens: "One of the great achievements of the State of Israel has been the equal rights of its Arab citizens. But we are still far from complete integration in Israeli society when the young Arab from the village will feel himself Israeli when he also walks in the street of Tel Aviv. That is the challenge that all citizens of Israel—Jews and Arabs alike —are called upon to meet" (Haaretz, January 10, 1981).
One can only shake his head in wonderment.
And one cannot but shake his head in rage at the deliberate efforts by Jewish Establishment and news media groups to bury the almost daily proof of Israeli Arab hate of the Jewish State and desire to see its end arrive quickly. The Jew who reads the "official" Jewish press or who is a member of an Established Jewish group, is simply abysmally ignorant of the reality of this Arab hostility. He is a victim of the deliberate policy of ignoring the increasingly implacable hostility and struggle against Israel that is taking place today among the Arabs of Israel. He is a captive of people who are in turn prisoners of their own liberal ideology and thought and who have neither the honesty nor the courage to admit that they are wrong. No greater theological fundamentalists exist than the liberal, progressive types. Their blind need to believe the platitude of "Jewish-Arab coexistence" and "a Jewish, democratic Israel with full rights for the Arab minority" makes it impossible for them to want to see the reality of Arabs who hate a Jewish State with its Jewish majority since they reject the paternalism of tolerance for themselves as a minority. They want to be the majority; they want an Arab state; they want an opportunity to beam and write platitudes about coexistence with the Jewish minority.
In February, 1985, the representative of the Lebanese Christians stationed in Israel was due to speak in the lecture hall of the

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Law School at Hebrew University on Mount Scopus. Hundreds of Israeli Arab students gathered and fought pitched battles with the security guards and police. The climax of the evening was watching the Arab students, citizens of Israel, progressive and educated —by liberal Jewish standards moral debtors to the Jews for all they have been given by generous, merciful, matrons in Great Neck and socialist-liberal cabinet ministers in Jerusalem— rising to sing the PLO anthem, "Baladi":
Homeland, homeland,
Fatah is the Revolution against oppression.
Palestine, land of our ancestors
I must return.
Fatah is the Revolution which will prevail.
And Al Assifa the hope of my homeland.
Palestine, my homeland
I have no greater love, purpose or future.
I shall march to you
With a determination that shall slap
Injustice in the face.
Palestine, my homeland, My only hope we must regain for you The dignity of your dispersed people Rallying under the banner of sacred struggle.
Palestine, my homeland,
Your people shall never die
Nor shall they remain silent
And Al Assifa will keep its finger always on the trigger.
And so, the news item that appeared in the Israeli paper Ma'ariv (May 26, 1986) becomes perfectly understandable:
"The hostile terror organization in Judea-Samaria-Gaza rests on supply sources within the Arabs of Israel, senior army officials yesterday told Chief of Staff Moshe Levi."
Surprise? Hardly. Will the two-legged lemmings of Mosaic faith learn anything from it? Hardly.
The poor Jew, the one who sits vaccinated against logic by Reform rabbis' temple speaches and isolated from sanity by hopeless liberal Jewish leaders, never sees an item such as the one that

appeared in the Israeli papers (October 30, 1984). It was a story by the Israeli wire service Him:
"Songs of hate and provocation among which 'Abu Amar' (Arafat) is called, together with 'his brave fighters to Palestine, to cut off the heads of the cursed Zionists' are now heard at many weddings and celebrations in the villages of the Galilee.
"Itim writer-reporter, Arye Meir, writes that as these songs are sung, the audience cheers the singer and no one protests or attempts to stop the singing.
"Two days ago, in a wedding in one of the western Galilee villages, a female folk singer appeared and sang a song that included: 'Oh, mother, give me the rifle so I can liquidate the Zionists standing at the top of the hill.' In the past, there were isolated incidents of this kind but now they are heard openly and with high frequency. When it is not possible to get a singer, tapes are used."
The truth is that the "phenomenon" is hardly a new one. The newspaper Yediot Aharonot back on May 4, 1977, reported on a wedding in the Lower Galilee village of Rumana in which the crowd cheered a song that included the lines "we will slaughter the children of the Zionists," "we will trample with our feet their Torah." And in January, 1986, the same Itim reporter, Ayre Meir, reported that Nazareth, the Arab "capital" of Israel, had become the center for the distribution of anti-Israel cassettes and video tapes.
Only an imbecile, a knave or one totally lacking in his own national self-respect would be dismayed. The incredible thing would be if the Arabs of Israel did not react this way. Only abnormal people enjoy living in a state that belongs in law and in practice to another people. Normal men and women —the Arabs —seethe in anger and only the pitiful liberal lemmings of the Mosaic faith see nothing and understand less.
For years we were besieged by people who triumphantly "proved" Israeli Arab loyalty to Israel by pointing to the very few Arabs who were involved in terrorism. Needless to say, such people could easily have "proven" the loyalty of Frenchmen to the Nazi occupation since hardly a few thousand of the 40 million Frenchmen were involved with the anti-Nazi underground. The fact is that it takes courage to rise up and act against a government, against police authority. The reason why so few Frenchmen took armed action against the Nazis was not their support of them; it was their fear of them. The very same holds true for the

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Israeli Arabs. The overwhelming majority, for the time being, may be too frightened of Israeli security forces to act against the Jewish State, but they certainly do hate it.
But things are changing. In March, 1986, seven Israeli Arabs from the town of Kfar Kassem, just east of Petach Tikva, were arrested on charges of planting bombs in the Tel Aviv Central Bus Station and other places in Bnei Brak and Petach Tikva. In April, 1986, ten Arabs, including residents of Baka-Al-Gharbiya, one of Israel's largest Arab towns, were arrested and charged with murdering a 19-year-old Israeli soldier, Moshe Tamam. Tamam had been picked up while hitchhiking near the Israeli city of Netanya, kidnapped by the Israeli Arabs, tortured horribly, and murdered. An interesting note is that one of the 12 Israeli citizens chosen to light a torch at Jerusalem's Western Wall on Independence Day, was the mayor of Baka-Al-Gharbiya, chosen for the honor because of his town's reputation for loyalty to Israel. . . .
Every day, in little and not such little ways, the Arabs of Israel assert themselves and their hostility to the Jewish State. As far back as June, 1979, the Ford Foundation-funded Arab-Jewish Center at Haifa University unveiled the results of a poll taken among Israeli Arabs. It revealed that fully 50% of the Arabs asked, had the courage to admit that Israel— as a Jewish State — had no right to exist. Fully 64% believed that Zionism was racism and no less than 59% said Israel should be rolled back to the 1947 borders of the U.N. Partition Plan. Naturally, an overwhelming majority said that the Law of Return was racist and should be abolished.
Since then "progress" has been made. While the Arabs living in the Jewish State have usually defined themselves as "Israeli Arabs," by December, 1985, 68% were prepared to openly state that they were "Palestinians."
And, of course, the key to seeing the whole picture is the knowledge that untold numbers of Arabs are afraid to say what they really think.
Is it any wonder that at the funeral of Israeli-born Rashed Hussein of the PLO, held at his Israeli village of Musmus, thousands of Israeli Arabs turned out to hear Knesset member Twefik Zayad say:
"We shall never give in until the goal that Rashed Hussein and his friends advocated, fought for and struggled for, is fulfilled." Rashid Hussein and his friends? What friends? Why, the PLO, of course. And what do they fight for, and what is their goal? The

Palestine Covenant, the Bible of the PLO, make it eminently clear: The elimination of the Jewish State and in its place the creation of a Palestine Arab one. That is what Knesset Member Zayad wants. That is what every Arab in Israel would like to see.
Whatever else the Arab is, he is not a fool. He knows of the incompatibility between a Jewish State and an Arab one. More, he knows that a Jewish State cannot be a democratic one, in the western sense of the word, a concept that gives all people, regardless of nationality, exactly equal rights. Democracies are not modified by adjectives. There is no Jewish or Arab democracy. There is democracy. Or a Jewish State. Or an Arab one.
The Arab Israeli writer, Anton Shamas, wrote in the Jerusalem weekly, Kah Ha'Ir (September 13, 1985): "The Declaration of Independence that still has a reputation as a liberal document, is, in my eyes, the AIDS of a Jewish State in the Land of Israel. A Jewish State, uni-national, carries within itself, by definition, the seeds of disaster: the collapse of the immunity system of every state—democracy."
The Arab, with nothing to lose, understands perfectly. The Jew, trembling as with the ague, sees this knife of logic, this absolute truth, and flees in panic. It will not avail him. One can run away but the problem remains and grows. Malignancy, when dealt with early, is curable. Too late, it means death.

PART III
IN SEARCH OF A NATIONAL COUCH
If all the waters were ink and all the trees were quills, they would not suffice to record the daily tragedies and madnesses that take place within the Jewish State. Things of which the Jew outside the country, the "Zionist," the one who is "well versed" in Israel affairs, the tourist who has seen the Wall and Masada and the Dead Sea and the live bar at the King David Hotel, has never heard.
Here are some of the news events of which we doubt you have heard, incidents that occurred within the Jewish State. They are dedicated to all the fighters for coexistence and absolute Arab-Jewish equality who grace the liberal Jewish communities. Here are the incidents that show so clearly the tragedy towards which the Jewish State is being directed and driven by Jewish leaders, inside and outside the country; by its self-righteous moralists and "humanitarians"; by the gentilized Hebrews and Jews who, by their confusion of mind and cowardice of heart as they persist in refusal to choose Jewishness over gentilization, are the silent partners in the regular campaign of terror and murders of Jews that take place today in Israel. By their mercy for fools, their compassion for the wicked, they murder the innocent and destroy the dream —the dream of a Jewish State.

Chapter 7
The Dream
"The hope is not yet lost —the hope of two thousand years; to be a free people in our land ..." (From the Israeli national anthem, "Hatikva").
The following item appeared as a letter to the editor in the Histadrut Labor newspaper Davar (June 30, 1986):
"On June 19, we were waiting on line to see the doctor, some 30 of us. An argument broke out between a young woman, elegantly dressed and obviously well off, and an elderly man. He quietly explained to her that it was his turn to see the doctor. She began screaming at him and among the other gems, said: 'I am an Arab; this land is mine and who needs you Jews here? Go back where you came from.'
"A large crowd gathered from all the departments —and, now, pay attention: An Arab woman stands between perhaps 100 Jews in a Jewish institution waiting to see a Jewish doctor and shouts. Then she slapped the elderly Jew. He wished to hit her back but could not reach her. She gave him a hard blow and sent him flying. He lost consciousness, blood flowed from his head, and he was given oxygen and taken by ambulance to the hospital. But no one touched the Arab woman! What would have happened if this had been a Jewish woman among Arabs?
"The police came and she shouted: I am not afraid of anyone, not you or the police. ..."
For two thousand years, the Jew —in every one of the four corners of the earth —would pause three times daily, lift his head unto heaven, face the Land of Israel, and say: "And may our eyes behold Thy return to Zion in Mercy." It was a national dream, a national hope, a yearning that filled the Jew's soul. Someday he, too, would be able to come home. Someday, he would leave the Exile with its fear and terror and death and live in his land, strong and secure, with none to make him afraid. And how was it expressed in the Yiddish song of yearning?

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"A Jewish kingdom, gentlemen-can you understand it? A kingdom of sheer brilliance A kingdom of kings alone. ..."
"A kingdom of kings alone. . . ." In his ghetto, in his poverty-ridden shtetl-village, in his fragile island surrounded by hostile waves of Christians or Moslems, the poor Jewish tradesman who drank deeply each day of the dregs of humiliations and poverty, dreamed of a kingdom of kings. The Land of Israel. A Jewish State.
And then, in the year 5708—1948 by the gentile calendar he had lived under for so long —the dream was realized. A Jewish State was declared in the Land of Israel. A Jewish State! No more fear, no more terror in the streets! A Jewish State! Free and proud and a kingdom of Kings!
Hardly.
The following news item did not appear in the local Brooklyn, Bronx, Boston, Philadelphia, Miami, Syrian or Soviet papers:
"In the Halisa section of Haifa, a mixed Jewish-Arab neighborhood, there has been renewed, after a period of quiet, harassment of (Jewish) elderly, young women and religious Jews, by young Arabs.
"Moshe G., a resident of Halisa, said that young Arabs, some from the neighborhood and others who work in the stores and factories there, gather at bus stops and harass the elderly and especially the religious among them, insulting them and making fun of their clothing. At times they throw stones at the elderly and use other means of frightening them, especially in the alleyways and the hallways. They make advances to the passing young girls and often make indecent proposals.
"Moshe G. said that the young Arabs have cast their terror on the neighborhood and said that it was a disgrace that in a neighborhood that until recently was mostly Jewish with new immigrants and religious Jews, bit by bit a group of Arab toughs take over and nothing is done to remove them. Because of this, he said, Jews are leaving the neighborhood" (Davar, June 30, 1986).
No, not Brooklyn and not Syria and not Leningrad. Halisa, in Haifa, where a few months ago earlier Arabs broke into a synagogue and burned it and Torah scrolls. This is the dream of Zion?
The phenomenon of the South Bronx and Brownsville, Brooklyn and Mattapan-Dorchester, Boston and Detroit, the

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phenomenon of Jews fleeing neighborhoods and those who remain living in fear, is repeated daily in Israel, land of the Jewish brave. Tel Aviv. Jewel of Zionism, the first all-Jewish city of modern times. City of pioneers and Jewish culture, symbol of the rise of the new Jew and new Jewish state.
Not exactly. In Shchunat Shapira, in the south of Tel Aviv, hundreds of Jewish families are fleeing the neighborhood because of fear. Fear of Arabs, many from Gaza, who come in nightly; many of them now live there, terrifying the residents. And as the Jews flee, their places are taken by Arabs, who find themselves Jewish prostitutes and introduce hard drugs into the neighborhood. Yediot Aharonot (January 8, 1985) described the situation:
"'The situation is serious,' says Aharon Bruchim, 62, who has lived in the neighborhood for 50 years. 'In every fifth home now live Arabs. We are afraid to go out at night. I do not let my wife come home at a late hour. They walk the streets at night, some drunk, others drugged and we live in fear. . . .'"
Bruchim tells how the Arabs first moved into deserted houses and then made life so miserable for the nearby Jews that the latter fled, their places being taken by other Arabs, and so on. The reality of widespread sexual perversion among Arabs —a fact so abhorrent to liberals that they revert to their natural reaction, denying the police statistics while covering their intellectual retreat with defamation and name-calling—is ever-present among the normal, sane people of Shaira who have to live with reality.
"Dahlia Hallavish, mother of seven, says that she fears for her children: 'I do not allow my children to wander about at night, alone. I fear that someone will seduce my child.' "
The newspaper account continues, quoting a 77-year-old resident: "We lock ourselves in our homes from eight in the evening. We lock the doors with two and three bolts. Once, we would sit in the street on the sidewalk until ten p.m. Today, that is finished. Each one locks himself in his house." No less than 500 families have fled Shapira in the last two years. South Tel Aviv, like neighboring Jaffa, is becoming Arab with all the security and assimilation risks that are involved.
It is not new. It is only getting worse. For years, Jews in Israeli authority refused to deal with the obvious issue. Thus, the July 27, 1979, issue of Maariv headlined a story:
YOUTH STABBED WITH A POLE IN CLASH BETWEEN JEWS AND ARABS

The story describes an attack on a group of young Jewish teenagers, 16 to 17 in age, by some 20 Arabs, working and living illegally in the Bitzaron section of Tel Aviv. One of the teenagers, Yaakov Avrian, was stabbed in the back with a sharp pole. What was more important was what two residents of Bitzaron, said:
"Our children are afraid to go out and play. During the day Arabs come and chase them from their playgrounds. At night they are afraid that they will attack them and assault the girls. Not long ago, a girl of 16 was assaulted and went into shock. The family wants to leave the neighborhood. The Arabs work in almost all the large and small factories in the area and most sleep here without a permit. They wander about, cursing the Jews and deliberately playing their radios loudly to anger and disturb us."
Of course the police do nothing. It is the nature of police throughout the world to try to do as little as possible and to discourage complaints. It is also easier to avoid having to deal with difficult Arabs and instead deal with elderly Jews. Of course there is a law that forbids Arabs from the territories from staying inside the "Green Line" of the Jewish State beyond one A.M. The law is a farce because it is simply not enforced. Why not? There is a deliberate governmental policy of "letting the Arabs sit quietly so as not to cause problems." And so the fear grows as the attacks on Jews grow, especially the sexual assaults on both Jewish females and young Jewish boys. No matter how it may anger the Jewish liberal who rarely allows facts to get in the way of his prejudices, the percentage of Arab sexual crimes is staggering. Not only rape of Jewish women but perversion against young Jewish children of both sexes. The cases are widely prevalent (the local Haifa area paper, Heyd Hakrayot, in July, 1984 was told by the spokesman for the Haifa police, David Frankel, that "the problem has become widespread lately"). Consider this example that carries with it yet another illustration of Jewish madness.
A young Arab from Yafia village was charged with sexually harassing a young married woman as she took her child to kindergarten by uncovering his sexual organ and masturbating in front of her. Naturally, the woman —a product of the new, proud Hebrew race —failed to report the act, out of fear. But when the Arab appeared in front of her home and repeated the act, police Were finally called in. The wire service Him reported on November 5, 1984, the following remarkable result. The judge, Heuven Ben Horin of Haifa court, in a splendid example of tolerance and understanding (one did not get the reaction of the vie-

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tim), fined the Arab the equivalent of $100 and gave him a suspended sentence. More to the point was the judge's comment:
"We all know the strict rules among certain sectors of the Arab community, in all that is involved between men and women before marriage. It is also known that in many cases, because of these rules and limitations, men of positive character will do acts that they would not have done had the approach of Arab society been more progressive." The judge found that the public interest would not be damaged if the Arab was allowed to go free.
This is the tragedy that rides the Israeli horse of the Apocalypse today. Jewish women and children are victims of Arabs "of positive character" who are sexually twisted, and the only punishment that could conceivably prevent the outbreak of sexual terror against Jewish women that is taking place today in Israel is a swift and harsh one, until the Arabs are removed to their own society. If not, the same abomination of Arabs at Israel's beaches or at the swimming pools in the Valley of Jezreal, where they sexually harass and terrorize Jewish women regularly, will continue and worsen. (It was there, on August 24, 1980, that Yediot Aharanot reported a massive fight between Jews and Arabs, with the Arabs shouting "Itbach-al Yahud," "Slaughter the Jews.") And there will always be a "progressive" judge who will "understand" the Arabs of basically "positive character" in a way he would never do in the case of Jews.
Until then we will continue to read such headlines as the one concerning the woman soldier Dafma Karmon, murdered by Israeli Arabs: "The accused forced the girl into the car, ripped off her clothing, raped and stabbed her" (Maariv, July 12, 1984). Until then we will continue to read of sexual assaults on children aged eight by Arabs in the Gilo section of Jerusalem (Hadashot, June 27, 1985). Until then we will read about such Arabs as Rusan Luka, who was found guilty on June 10, 1985 of raping Jewish boys. One child testified that the Arab said to him: "Come boy, let's work.. Pull down your pants."
But the pathetic guilt-ridden Jewish liberal will hasten to defend the Arabs by bleating: "Aren't there Jews who commit such acts also?" The answer is, yes, but the more pertinent points are:
1) The percentage of Arab sexual acts is incredibly higher than that of the Jews. What did the Talmud say? "Ten parts of immorality came down to earth and nine were taken by Arabia" (Kiddushin 49).


2) If Jews do it, who needs to add to the horror by having
Arabs do it too?
3) A major part of the reason for Arab sexual assaults on Jews
is their nationalism, their hatred of Jews, and their feeling that
this is how they attack the Jewish people and state. To quote a
Hebrew University Professor (Jerusalem Post, February, 1977):
"For many of the Arab students, the best way to the Jew
ish State is to a Jewish woman."
The truth is that the dream of a state in which Jews would be free from fear and insecurities has turned into a nightmare, and the myth of the Supersabra may go down well at UJA dinners but its ring grows more hollow from year to year in an Israel where — because of the two-legged lemmings of Mosaic persuasion—the Arabs have succeeded in instilling fear into the Jew.
On January 30, 1985, the newspaper Haaretz carried the following front-page news item:
"Children of the Carmel in Haifa show a deep fear of Arabs. The immediate association in most cases is that of a kidnapper of children, a murderer, a terrorist and criminal." The question arises: What kind of soldiers will these children be, when the Arab enemy becomes so psychologically frightening to them?
But it is hardly only children. Following a series of attacks and murders by Arabs on hitchhikers and taxi drivers, Yediot Aharonot came out with a full-page story headline: "Fear on the Highways."
The story began: "Avi Reiss (23), a student, stood for a long hour at the exit from Jerusalem waiting for a hitch. Sadly he said: 'This is not new. It has been this way for months now, ever since they have been kidnapping and murdering soldiers and drivers who gave them hitches. Now, I, an officer in the reserves, have to suffer '" (January 29, 1986).
The day before, Moshe Cohen, who stopped to pick up a hitchhiking Arab, was stabbed brutally, and Miri Levi, a physical education teacher, was stabbed but miraculously fought off her Arab assailant.
A taxi driver from Ramie —a Georgian Jew in the country a few years —was found murdered in his cab in the Arab section of the city of Lydda. The week before another taxi driver who picked up two Arabs was stabbed near Latrun, and yet another driver from Beersheba had an Arab's knife miss his heart by centimeters.
The result? Fear. Not of general crime but of a particular kind —of Arabs in Israel trying to murder Jews— because they are

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Jews. Like before the dream . . .
Fear, Jewish fear. In the words of the head of the Jerusalem taxi association, Shem Tov Shem Tov:
"Our boys are just afraid of going out at night ..." (Haaretz, January 5, 1986). Israel. The Hope. Israel. Land of milk and honey. And Fear.
Fear. Jewish fear within the Jewish state because of Jewish spiritual madness and, again, fear of doing what must be done to save Jewish lives. Fear. So that the newspaper Hadashot, a mass-circulation cheap secularist sheet that mirrors everything that is gentilized and un-Jewish about Israel, carries a full page of photos of Jewish victims of Arab attacks. It is an eminently partial list, and does not record many other Israelis murdered by Arabs inside Israel. The caption:
"YOUR FEAR. Eighteen similar incidents. Kidnapping, mutilation, a corpse. A side road, a pit, a cave. Suddenly there grows awful fear . . . and perhaps the greatest fear is the thought, for a moment, that you are the next victim."
The victory of the Arabs over the Jewish State begins with the destruction of the Zionist dream of a state free from fear. The Jewish victims of Arab murder stare at us from the pages, faces and names the "nice" liberal Jew —so busy with Arab-Jewish coexistence — never knew or saw just a sample of:
• Yosef Eliyahu and Leah Almakayas, murdered in their car.
They were school teachers in the town of Afula (July 21, 1985).
• Meir Ben Yair and Michal Cohen, murdered near the town of
Bet Shemesh (June 30, 1985).
• Davi Caspi, murdered in his cab in Jerusalem (April 20,
1985).
• Zcharya Kami, a watchman in the hospital in Kfar Saba,
murdered (body found on February 2, 1985).
• Ron Levi and Roytel Sari, shot in the head in a forest near
Jerusalem. Levi was an active member of Peace Now (Oct. 21,
1985).
But perhaps the most terrible —the children. Dani Katz, 15, from a comfortable upper-middle class family in the exclusive Haifa suburb of Dania. Disappeared. His body was found in a cave. Investigation revealed that he had been raped and murdered. The murderers were Israeli Arabs who worked in the supermarket near his home (December 8, 1983).
And Nava Elimelaech. Eight years old. Her dissected body was found on the beach near her Bat Yam home. The then Chief of

Staif, Rafael Eytan, revealed that she had been murdered by Arabs as an initiation into the PLO.
Every one of the murdered was murdered by Arabs. And as the pall of fear grew, the thing that most concerned the Minister of Interior, Dr. Yosef Burg, was:
"We must do everything to insure that the personal tragedy of families does not become the tragedy of a part of the citizens of Israel. We must not create an atmosphere that threatens coexistence between Arabs and Jews in Israel" (December 14, 1983). Madness. Worse —an insane policy that guarantees the continued murder of Jews inside the Jewish State to which we returned '"to be free people in our land." Jews, who by virtue of ghetto mentality and westernized assimilation, become accomplices in the murder of fellow-Jews.
And another kind of fear. Fear for Jews who disappear. Disappear? What have we here —Texas? We speak of a tiny Jewish State, with tiny amounts of territory. Where did 125 citizens vanish in 1985? How is it that the police report that fully 10 percent of all missing Jews disappear and are not found again? (Yated Ne'eman, May 20, 1986).
Consider the case of Ayala Alfasi, age 21 at the time she disappeared on October 10, 1982, from her home in Jaffa. Her frantic family received a phone call from her in which she was able to blurt out only that she was in Gaza and to please save her; then the phone went dead. An Arab from Gaza, serving a prison term in Beersheba prison, returned from a 48-hour holiday to say that he had heard that the girl was being held in a brothel in Gaza. Is she? Has anyone really looked? How many others may be in Arab cities or villages in the territories or carried away into Jordan? Where is Rachel Albaladas of Holon? On July 15, 1983, the then 16-year-old girl left her Tel Aviv place of employment to buy things for her employer. Since then, she has never been seen. Hundreds, thousands of young Jewish girls become involved with Arabs. The latter have money in their pocket and the young girls are carried away by the excitement. Many become involved with them —with drugs, prostitution. Where do so many of these girls disappear? Who cares?
Fear. And the most humiliating of all: Fear felt by soldiers standing at night on the highways and hitching rides. Fear by Jewish soldiers, in the Jewish State, of standing on Jewish highways! And the liberal Jew of "coexistence" who comes to tour Israel with the American Jewish Congress or Hadassah sees

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nothing, hears nothing, knows nothing. And babbles on anyhow. But it exists —and we know it. Fear felt by soldiers because of the incredible murder of Jewish soldiers by Arabs within the Jewish Land!
• Soldier Moshe Levi, murdered three kilometers from his home
in Petach Tikva, suburb of Tel Aviv. His body was mutilated and
burned (December 5, 1985).
• Soldier David Palzan, choked and murdered. His body was
found near the Negev Kibbutz, Kissufim (June 10, 1985).
• Shaltiel Akiva, soldier who phoned his father to say that he
was five kilometers from his home in Rosh Ha'ayin, near Petach
Tikva. His body was found April 4, 1985.
•Soldier David Manos, disappeared November 11, 1984. As part of the obscene policy of attempting to deny that terrorists are necessarily to blame, the police spread outrageous rumors that he had been seen in a homosexual bar after his disappearance. His body was found two years later. Investigation revealed that he had been murdered by Arabs the night of his disappearance.
• Woman soldier, Hadas Kedmi, disappeared after being seen
hitching a ride in Haifa. Her body was found 12 days later
(December 11, 1984). She had been gang raped for days.
• Soldier Moshe Tamam, disappeared after hitching a ride near
Netanya. His mutilated body was found on August 10, 1984.
• Soldier David Bukra's mutilated body was found in pieces on
December 31, 1983, seven months after disappearing near the
Megido crossroads.
• Woman soldier Dafna Karmon, raped and murdered. Her
body was found near Damon prison, Haifa, July 4, 1982.
• Soldier Avi Brumberg, picked up and murdered in a car. His
body was thrown out near Pardes Ghana, June 28, 1980.
This is just a sample. These Jewish soldiers were murdered, raped, mutilated by Arabs —many of them Israeli Arabs, citizens of Israel. But the most humiliating aspect of the murders is the fear that Jews in Israel have allowed to envelop the army of the Jewish State. And the most humiliating of the humiliations is the reaction of the Israeli defense forces. Instead of an angry and ruthless effort to root out Arab terror, on December 12, 1984, the IDF issued a directive under the heading, "Hitching rides — women soldiers":
"In light of the increase in criminal (sic) activities recently, herein is enclosed an obligatory order:
"1. An absolute prohibition to hitch rides (for women soldiers)."

On March 17, 1985, the newspaper Maariv carried the following headline:
EVERY WOMAN SOLDIER WHO WILL HITCH RIDES AT NIGHT WILL BE ARRESTED
A magnificent response to Arab terror. Truly in the footsteps of the Maccabees. Not even the courage to make the highways safe for Jewish soldiers by acting against Arabs and not even the courage to clearly state that the problem was Arab terrorism (instead of the disgusting cover of "criminal activities").
On June 10, 1985, an IDF directive to male soldiers was issued, declaring:
"1. A soldier shall not wait for a ride except in an official station.
"2. A soldier shall not hitch a ride after dark.
"3. There is an absolute prohibition against getting into a car belonging to local Arabs (!), those from the territories, UN or foreign diplomats."
And the head of the IDF manpower department, General Matan Vilnai, issued the following directive on May 11, 1986:
"Soldier and (Woman) Soldier:
"I turn to you to remind you of the dangers threatening you on the roads and how to act . . ." To be a free people . . .
There then follows a list of soldiers murdered by Arabs and suggestions on how to avoid getting killed. All in all, it is a document that is a primary source for sociologists wishing to study the bankruptcy of secular Zionism. Having lost all spiritual and Jewish meaning, the minimum expectation we might have had from the gentilized Hebrews was at least a state where Jews would be free from fear. But no, not even that. The army document warning soldiers to be careful when standing on their own Jewish roads in their own Jewish state is glaring evidence of the totality of bankruptcy in the Israel of secular Zionism.
And the refusal by the governments of Israel to take the obvious steps —removal from the state of the Arab menace, fifth column and internal subversion —is part of a far wider sickness. It is a disease that causes frightened, timid, gentilized Hebrews, stricken with the suicidal curse of false and perverted democracy, to hobble and destroy their own security forces and their effectiveness as the one wall of defense against the Arab flood that threatens to sweep over and drown us.

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The newspaper Yediot Aharonot carried what is described as "a monologue with a high-ranking army officer" after the infamous Kahan report that ripped apart the IDF after the massacre of "Palestinians" by Christians in Beirut. The story itself was headlined:
THEY HAVE TURNED THE ARMY INTO A PUNCHING BAG . . .
The gist of the story was the bitter complaint of the army officer concerning the efforts to impose perverted "morality" on the security forces. Let every Jew —liberal or normal —read, weep, and think:
"I know how many efforts we dedicated (in Lebanon) to keep from harming civilians. I state categorically that the army had tens of casualties, if not more, only because of the order not to harm civilians. In general, during a war, one first softens a target with artillery in order to prevent casualties among your soldiers. Here, they forbade us lest we hit civilians. From the time we entered Lebanon we adhered strictly to orders not to fire on targets when there was a civilian center. We would hand out flyers, warn them by loudspeakers. If not for that, we could have advanced more swiftly, to crush the terrorist strongholds and, most important, save ourselves tens of our own casualties.
"The terrorists knew this and they entered civilian centers. We could do nothing because of the stubborn orders of Raful (Chief of Staff Rafael Eytan) and (General) Amos Yaaron not to fire even when we were positive that terrorists had penetrated a certain area. Where is the red line that determines for a commander which is more important — to preserve the lives of his soldiers or to save civilians, part of whom are aiding the terrorists? It appears to me that the Israeli commanders long since crossed this red line in favor of preserving the lives of foreign civilians even at the cost of casualties among our soldiers."
A poignant and bitter indictment by an army commander— hobbled by civilian politicians who in turn were targets of leftist propaganda in Israel's sick news media that never let up for a day in their self-hating campaign to force Israel to eat of their own vomit of guilt. They are accessories to murder; they are the direct cause of an insane, almost unbelievable policy of military madness, that led to the death —the murder —of tens of Jewish soldiers.
The irony is that Chief of Staff Eytan, roundly condemned by

leftists as a brutal "hawk," also collapsed before the Hellenist onslaught, and gave "stubborn orders" not to shell terrorist bases in civilian areas lest we, heaven forbid, cause Arab civilian casualties. Far better that our own boys die. . . .
Too few recall Eytan's statement (September 25, 1982) after the Sabra and Shatila massacre:
"We feel the pain of our enemies. Our moral values arouse within us a feeling of responsibility and determination not to ignore the slaughter that happened in our midst. There is no doubt that the tragedy has cast a shadow over our accomplishments because of the obligation that is instilled in our people for the values of human life." What an incredible moral position! Had the Chief-of-Staff of the United States Army made a similar statement concerning the bombing of German civilians in World War II, no doubt all ethical Jews would have cheered.
We feel the pain of "our enemies," the "Palestinians" who live and dream of the day they will destroy Israel? From these ranks come forth the PLO? Who support, nurture and give of their children to terrorists who murder us? We feel their pain? We are mad!
And irony of ironies —the man who paid the highest price of the Kahan commission, Defense Minister Ariel Sharon, the villain and arch-murderer of "innocent Palestinians" himself wrote the following nonsense in an Op-Ed piece in The New York Times (August 29, 1982):
"No army in the history of modern warfare ever took such pains to prevent civilian casualties as did the Israel Defense Forces. Indeed, most of the losses suffered —some 350 dead and 2,000 wounded [as of that date — MK] — resulted from the rule we imposed on ourselves to avoid harming noncombatants. In Hebrew we call this tohar haneshek, 'the moral conduct of war' [literally, "purity of arms" —MK]. We are proud our soldiers followed this Jewish[!] doctrine scrupulously, despite the heavy costs we incurred in warning civilians we were coming, in attacking only predetermined PLO positions and in bombing and shelling buildings only when they served as PLO strongholds."
The sanctimonious pieties emerging from Sharon are made worse by the knowledge that he does not believe a word he says and that this "moral" policy of murder of Israeli soldiers was forced on him by the merciless leftist propaganda and the weak and vacillating Menachem Begin, who was already approaching the end of his psychological political tether. The murder of Israeli

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soldiers cries out to the heavens and justifies any soldier's refusal to serve in any army whose commanders and leaders do not place his life over those of enemy civilians.
The life of one Jewish soldiers was worth more than those of all the Arabs —soldiers, terrorists or civilians —in Lebanon, and how one longs for the days of normalcy of World War II, when gentiles of the United States and British air forces, knowing that their own people would die unless the German back and morale were shattered, bombed German cities —with their civilians —mercilessly. They knew that they were fighting a war. A war against forces that, if they won, would plunge them and the world into a nightmare. The gentiles never invented a madness called "purity of arms." Arms are not pure. Arms are used to kill the enemy-anyone thinking otherwise should not go to war in the first place.
And what an arrogant unfolding of ignorance on the part of Sharon! There is as much intellectual honesty in General Sharon lecturing on "Jewish doctrine" as there is in a Hassidic rabbi pontificating on military strategy. "Purity of arms" a Jewish doctrine? Yet another part of the fraud of gentilized Jews who twist, corrupt, counterfeit authentic Judaism. If one would know what "Jewish doctrine" on war is, let the truth be heard:
"When you go to war against your enemies" (Deuteronomy 20). "Said the Holy One, Blessed Be He,: Go against them as enemies. Just as they do not have mercy upon you, have no mercy on them" (Midrash Tanhuma, Shoftim 15). Or:
"If you have mercy on them they will go to war against you. It is similar to a shepherd, tending his sheep in the forest, who found a sickly baby wolf. He had pity on it and nursed it from the goats. When his employer saw it he said: Kill him, have no pity on him lest he cause disaster to the flocks. But the shepherd did not listen to him. When the wolf grew he would see a sheep and kill it, a goat and eat it. Said the employer: Did I not tell you not to have pity on it? So did Moses tell Israel: If you have pity on them, those that shall remain on them shall be as thorns in your eyes and as thistles in your sides and they shall harass you in the land wherein you dwell." (Midrash Dvraim Zuta). Or:
"Harass the Midianites and smite them, for they harass you" (Numbers 15). From here the rabbis learned: "If one comes to slay you, slay him first" (Midrash Bamidbar Raba, Pinchas).
What an astounding difference between the morality of true Judaism and the perverted ethic of the schizophrenic Jews, conceived in gentilized concept and born in an admixture of a Hel-

lenism they trumpet as "Judaism." Neither Judaism nor normalcy countenance the deliberate sacrificing of your soldiers' lives in order to save the enemy who is not in uniform.
But, of course, Israeli is not Judaism. Its beginnings and the fount from which it draws its values are supremely un-Jewish. And so, in a clash with terrorists in southern Lebanon in July, 1986, soldier Arye Tubul was killed. The terrorists hid behind three youngsters. The officer in charge prevented the soldiers from firing. Tubul was killed. Murdered. By the terrorists. And by ...
And who still recalls Israeli General Yekutiel Adam, murdered by a 12-year-old youngster in Lebanon? And the killing in 1969 of soldier Hanan Sampson in the Jordan Valley as he and other soldiers approached a cave before which was sitting a woman nursing her child who told them that there were no terrorists there. As they turned away, the terrorists burst from the cave, shooting and killing Sampson.
"Purity of weapons." We are "better" than they. And so we remain better. Deader —but better. Warping Judaism, twisting normal logic and common sense and self-preservation, because of a sick legacy of the ghetto and the Exile, a sad need to be loved that leads us to die and thus prove to the gentile how moral we really are. So he can love us —posthumously.
In the Jerusalem corridor today stands a settlement called Ramat Raziel. In the East Talpiot section of Jerusalem (as well as in half a dozen other Israeli cities), people live on streets called "Raziel Street." Raziel is a hero in Israel, lionized by leaders, with a stamp issued in his honor. Who was he? What great things did he do that led to his becoming a national hero? Listen.
It was the Ides of May, 1937, and the Arab pogroms that had been sweeping throughout Eretz Yisrael grew in fury and in scope. Under the religious urging of the Mufti, Haj-Amin el Husseini, Arab gangs burned Jewish fields, murdered Jewish men and brutally raped Jewish women. Terror, in the real sense of the word, swept the Jewish Yishuv.
The Vaad Leumi, National Assembly, elected representatives of the Jews of Eretz Yisrael, debated the terror with passion. A minority led by the Revisionists and supported by parts of the Mizrachi and the General Zionists political parties, demanded counter-action. The majority led by Chaim Weizmann and David Ben-Gurion cleaved to the concept of havlaga, self-restraint, which was based on the idea of "tohar haneshek." The Jew was better than the Arab, the Jew would not sink to his level. And so,

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the policy of the Jewish community was just that. No counter-terror—rather, restraint, gritted teeth, every day another burial of a Jew. The Jew would not sink to the Arab level, he would sink six feet below it. ...
Within the ranks of the unofficial defense group of the Jews, the Haganah, the debate raged as well. A new group, Haganah Bet, was violently opposed to the official policy and demanded that Jews teach the Arabs a lesson. From this group there broke off a smaller one determined that there had already been too much talk. It called itself the Irgun Zvai Leumi, and after many inner problems, its leader became David Raziel.
Raziel, a discipline of Betar and its founder Zev Jabotinsky, was a religious Jew from Jerusalem. His father was a Hebrew scholar, and David himself studied in Yeshivat Merkaz Harav, of the late Chief Rabbi Kook. He watched with bitterness and frustration as Arab attacks grew and Jewish passivity kept pace with it. | On May 10, members of the settlement Bet Yosef in the eastern Emek Yizrael were attacked on their way to work. The barley field in Tel Amal was set on fire by Arab gangs. And then, on May 19, on Strauss Street, in the heart of Jerusalem, a Jew was shot down. The Jews of the capital were furious but the official leadership kept them in line with a stiff demand to "observe moral discipline." But this time, the die was cast.
In a little room which served as the modest headquarters of the Irgun in Jerusalem, David Raziel sat with a member of his tiny group. Carefully, he outlined the plan. The man nodded in understanding. Raziel reached beneath his shirt and took out a revolver, his personal one. Without a word he handed it to the Irgunist. The latter rose, shook Raziel's hand, and walked out.
That morning, at 5:30 a.m., an Arab walking past the Menora Club on Bezalel Street was shot dead. The Irgun had broken havlaga; it had determined to avenge Jewish blood with that of the Arab.
The Jewish Establishment, led by the Laborites, reacted with unparalleled fury. The Histadrut paper, Davar, in a front page editorial fumed: "The Yishuv has an obligation to openly declare its bitterness against this obscene action. Only a totally irresponsible gang lacking all public and moral responsibility could do what it did."
Not 24 hours later, the Arab gangs, apparently assured by the official Jewish reaction and considering the Irgun attack to be a one-shot affair, murdered another Jew. He was Avraham Zindani,

shot down in cold blood near Lydda. On June 3, Arabs threw a bomb at a Jewish bus going from Meah Shearim to Givat Shaul. By a miracle it did not explode. Meanwhile, throughout the country, murder, rapes and burning of Jewish fields grew. The Arab appetite grew, too, in direct relation to the official Jewish policy of self-restraint. And David Raziel, knowing this, was preparing for the formal breaking of that policy.
November 16, 1937, marked that day. It became known as Black Sunday to the Arabs and Mufti. A group of Jews had been attacked in the Old City and now, after months of training and preparation, Raziel's men struck. That day, two Arabs walking on Gaza Street in the Rechavya section of Jerusalem were shot down. One was killed and the other wounded. Half an hour later, two Arabs were shot down in the new Bet Yisrael section. That morning an Arab bus in Romena was attacked by automatic weapon fire, with two Arabs killed.
But there was more. To show that the Irgun was now capable of striking throughout the country, that same day a bomb was thrown into an Arab cafe near the Armon moviehouse in Haifa, and two Arabs were shot down in the Wadi Niskas area. The official Jews frothed at the mouth and the Arabs began, for the first time, to walk the streets with trepidation.
The Irgun, small and penniless, hounded by the British authorities and by fellow Jews, slowly built its strength as the Arab terror spread. Had the Haganah and the official Jewish leadership done what the Irgun wished, terror of an unprecedented scale would have stricken the Arabs into cowering silence. But with the Irgun perceived, still, as a small group with no official support, the Arabs continued to discount it and to escalate their murder of Jews. Under the prodding of the Mufti, and the Moslem Supreme Council and Higher Committee, gangs began to turn Eretz Yisrael into a country of the pogroms that it was meant to stop. Raziel, moving from house to house to escape arrest and Jewish reaction, was slowly building his anti-terror machine. It now struck, to the terror of the Arabs and the anger of the Jews.
On July 6, 1938, time bombs were put in milk cans and placed in the Arab market place in Haifa by an Irgun member dressed as an Arab porter. In the explosion that followed, 21 Arabs were killed and 52 wounded. Terror spread throughout the Arabs of Haifa, among the most vicious of the enemies of Zionism.
The attack was in reaction to the murder of two Jews the previous day in Jerusalem, and the Arabs of Jerusalem were not to be

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spared. A bomb thrown into a crowd of Arabs on David Street in the Old City killed two and wounded four. Two days later, the Irgun threw a bomb into a crowd of Arabs waiting near the bus terminal near Jaffa Gate; three were killed and 19 injured. A week later, on a Friday, as Arabs left their mosque at the foot of David Street in the Old City, an electronically detonated mine went off killing 10 Arabs and wounding 30.
Official Jewish reaction bordered on the hysterical. The Ichud, made up of intellectuals such as Dr. Judah Magnes of Hebrew University, Martin Buber and others, condemned the Jewish "terrorists" in language they had never used for the Arab gangs. Ben-Gurion, Weizmann and other Jewish leaders called upon Jews to "wipe out the cancer from our midst." The Irgunists were libeled as "murderers, fascists and extremists," who were going against the elected majority of Jews. They were henceforth to be known as "porshim," those who split from the community.
It had little effect on David Raziel. On July 25, 1938, a 30-kilogram explosive went off in the Arab marketplace in Haifa. Hidden in a barrel of sour pickles, it killed at least 35 Arabs and wounded 70 more. The Arabs were terrified; the Jews were hysterical. Raziel was content.
One month later, the Irgun switched to Jaffa, a nest of the worst gangs of Arab vipers in the country. An Irgun member, once again dressed as an Arab porter, placed a bomb in the Arab Dir-a-Salach marketplace. The official version listed 21 Arabs dead and 35 wounded. In reality many more went to Islamic heaven.
February 27, 1939, proved to be yet another "Black Day" for the Arabs as the Irgun, sensing the impending collapse of Arab terror in the face of Jewish vengeance, attacked three cities. In Haifa, two powerful explosions went off, one at the ticket window of the railroad station in East Haifa and the other at the Arab marketplace. At least 27 Arabs were killed. Half an hour later, in Jerusalem, three Arabs were killed and six wounded in an Irgun explosion on David Street, while another died after being attacked on an Arab bus passing Mahane Yehuda.
Finally, in Tel Aviv attacks on Arabs near the power station in the north and in the Salama district in the south killed three more.
There is more, but the lesson is clear. David Raziel was a terrorist, a murderer who went against everything that was "Jewish." Today, one may visit a settlement due west of Jerusalem named

Ramat Raziel and live on Raziel Street in East Talpiot in Jerusalem. One may hear talks on the glory of Raziel and see mementos of him at the Herut headquarters on King George Street in Tel Aviv and may look up paeans of praise of him from the speeches of Yitzhak Shamir, Menachem Begin and Moshe Arens.
"If one comes to slay you, slay him first!" This is Judaism, this is what should be a light unto the feet of the Israeli Defense Forces. Instead, thanks to the gentilized concepts of the gentilized Hebrews, their hearts and minds have been hobbled by perverted mercy. The Mercy of Fools.
And this is the beginning of the destruction of the Israeli army, of the security forces, of security, of, G-d forbid, the state. It is this madness that gives rise to a Kahan Commission which sees Jews creating a little Yom Kippur to atone for the sins of Christians who killed Moslems because Moslems killed Christians. It is this inexplicable Jewish madness that sees a Kibbutz Maagan Michael —which would never dream of fasting on Yom Kippur or on the traditional national day of Jewish morning, Tisha B'av — proclaim a 24-hour fast for the Palestinians who would destroy us and who were killed by Christian Phalangists.
This was the ad the suddenly "ultra-Orthodox" leftists placed in the Israeli papers September 24, 1983:
As a protest over the slaughter in the Beirut refugee camps, the participants will take turns standing outside the entrances to their homes. . . .
No African tom-toms ever resounded louder than the beating of Jewish kibbutz breasts.
It is this madness that sees a supposedly normal people rip apart its Security Service over two Arab terrorist jackals who came to massacre Jews and who did murder a woman soldier. The truly ill Israelis who destroyed their Security Services and their spirit have systematically been destroying the armed forces in Lebanon and the Border Police, the tough, special elite forces who put terror into Arab hearts and who now have been emasculated by arrests and trials for "unnecessary force" —as if the saving of Israel
from cruel and vicious Arabs can be accomplished by "nice" means. It is this madness that sees Knesset members call for the heads of Jews who have given years of their lives to the state and
their people, because they have "lynched Palestine fighters."

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And this madness that decried the killing of terrorists is inexorably linked to more insanity. Had the terrorists been captured and kept alive, they would have been tried, found guilty and given —at the most —life imprisonment, for the Mad Hatters of Hellenism refuse to implement the death decree for terrorists, no matter how heinous their crimes.
(As a temporary aside and as a mini-madness adjunct to the major one, know that on December 9, 1975, the newspaper Hadashot reported that Nehemia Perlman, the military prosecutor of terrorists who had murdered a Jew, Aharon Avidar, in Ramalla, received a sentence (suspended) of 14 days in military prison because during the trial he told the court that it had an option by law of sentencing the murderers to death. He was convicted of "violating orders.")
No terrorists are given the death sentence. They remain alive to sit in prisons where they receive Red Cross packages and benefits that Jewish criminals do not get, while waiting for their comrades to kidnap a Jewish soldier so they will be exchanged for him. As happened in 1985 in the awesomely insane exchange of no less than 1150 Arab terrorists, including vicious murderers for three Israeli soldiers. And Jewish madness being a complex thing, coming in stages and layers, not only were 1150 terrorists freed, but 600 were allowed to remain in the Land of Israel. One can visit one of the murderers in his large supermarket in Shchem, or one can go to Mina Bar Yosef, widow of Moshe Bar Yosef murdered by terrorists at the foot of Jerusalem's Mount of Olives, where he was buried. In a petition to the High Court of Israel, the widow protested that the murderers of her husband were freed and allowed to go back to their village of Silwan, at the foot of the Mount of Olives. On her visit to her husband's grave she can look into their homes. She asked that they be deported. Her petition was denied. Naturally.
Consider, therefore, what would have happened to the terrorists who hijacked the bus in 1984, had they not been killed. They would have received life sentences for murdering the woman soldier and been freed the following year in the Great Exchange. They would have been freed along with these Palestinian "freedom fighters" who were indeed freed:
• The murderers of six young Jews in Hebron in 1980.
• The murderers of 19-year-old yeshiva student Aharon Gross in
Hebron.
• The murderer of paratrooper Eli Lupo.


• The two terrorists who attacked Jews in the middle of
Jerusalem's King George Street in 1984, murdering one.
• The murders of Uriel and Hadassa Barark.
• The murderers of David Rosenfeld, director of the Herodion
site.
• The terrorists who placed a booby-trapped refrigerator in
Jerusalem's Zion Square, killing 16 people.
• The murders of soldier Avi Brumberg and soldier David
Shamir.
• Kozo Okamoto who murdered 25 people at Ben-Gurion Air
port.
Madness and part of a greater insanity that sees Israeli soldiers not only refusing to serve in Lebanon but, now, in the "occupied territories" of Judea-Samaria-Gaza as well. The war in Lebanon was lost. But not on the battlefield. It was lost at home as, for the first time in Israeli's history, as Jewish soldiers fought and died, Peace Now and other leftists demonstrated against the war in Israeli cities. Soldiers could watch at night on television as their fellow citizens protested their "aggression" in Lebanon. Little wonder that the Arab Lebanese paper Almustikabal, on the eve of the Israeli ignominious retreat from Lebanon (after the death of 650 soldiers), published a cartoon showing a smiling, "V"-waving, confident Israeli soldier entering Lebanon in 1982, and alongside, the same soldier, bandaged, tattered, limping out of the same country in 1985. Little wonder that Maariv carried a cartoon by international cartoonist Raanan Lurie showing an Israeli soldier in the sea rushing to the shore as he shouts for help, pursued by two sharks. The smaller is labeled "Lebanese terror." The larger is labeled "Israeli public opinion."
But of course it was not "Israeli public opinion" that was against a war that in its four days smashed the PLO and cut through to Beirut wherein were trapped, like frightened sweating animals, the terrorist leaders. A war that could have, in three more days, physically liquidated the terrorists and their leaders. A war which, instead, saw Israel allowing them to leave with their weapons in one hand and the other raised in "V" for victory. A war that saw defeat snatched from the jaws of victory primarily because of the small handful of leftists who control state radio and television, and the communications industry. (And indeed, the worst of Menachem Begin's sins and disappointments for the Jewish people was his failure to sweep the leftists out of control of the state TV and radio that brainwashes an entire country day

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and night.) It was a war that saw the kibbutzim (only three percent of the population but with huge funds and resources) able to truck in tens of thousands of their people to a Tel Aviv rally that their cohorts in the news media could soon multiply into a gathering of 400,000 (!) people.
On October 6, 1984, Peter Kobi became the hundredth (official) reserve soldier to refuse to serve in Lebanon. Many more followed. The army tried to keep the plague under wraps but it was a disease and symptom of a dangerous malady in the Israeli body politic. Today, more and more soldiers refuse to serve in the "occupied lands." And tomorrow?
The State of Israel is being Vietnamized, but the difference between the process in American and in the Jewish State is vast. If the forces in America that helped to defeat the United States and wreck the armed forces were wrong, it was a mistake that was 8,000 miles away and barely threatened America's existence. But the insane forces of Peace Now and Yesh Gvul ("There Is a Limit"), which supported those who refused to serve in Lebanon and today finance trials of those refusing to serve in the "occupied territories," will destroy the very State of Israel if they are permitted to poison the minds of young Israelis.
Madness. The madness of which the Bible spoke at the very birth of the Jewish nation.
"The L-rd will smite thee with madness and with blindness and with astonishment of heart" (Deuteronomy 28).
The question that fairly cries out for an answer is sure: What is the source of the madness that sees a people and state rip itself apart with its own hands? What is the answer to the puzzle of Jewish lemmingism, the mad national drive to suicide? Surely it can only be the Divine Biblical curse.
We have become a people cursed with madness of soul and mind, with the blindness that gropes in the darkness of insanity, and the Divine punishment we so disdained and mocked has begun its terrible course.
The beating of breasts, the setting up of a thousand private Israeli Wailing Walls because of the killing of the two terrorist who seized a bus with tens of terrified Jewish passengers and were prepared to murder all of them is a stupefying, breathtaking example of mass insanity that must be the intense subject of investigation by dozens of experts in abnormal psychology. No one can excel the Jew in heights and in lows. No one can reach the enormous levels of greatness and holiness of the people of Israel and

none can sink to the record depths of the people of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. If to climb the heights of holiness and sanctity is to go beyond "normalcy" and the norms of the rest of humanity—that is surely greatness. But to sink below all the rest in a stupefying exhibition of national suicide is to wave, for all to see, the awesome sickness of the Jewish product of millenia of Exile, of a ghetto people riddled with all the neuroses, guilt feelings and self-hatred that are a necessary by-product of the Jew's wanderings.
And the fact that he has come home to his own state changes nothing. The removal of the Jew from the Exile has absolutely nothing to do with the removal of the Exile from the Jew. And never was there a sicker Jewish society, in terms of self-hate and madness and blindness of heart and mind, than this one, which so arrogantly—just a few decades ago —boasted of the new, proud Hebrew society that had taken over from the weak, decadent Jewish one of the Exile.
A tasteless joke, a mirthless jest. This is a country that is so riddled with guilt and sin, so unsure of its basic beliefs, that its race to self-destruction becomes a subconscious crusade. At first glance, the incredible wailing over the two Arab terrorists falls merely into the misguided mercies concerning which the Ramban (Deuteronomy 7:15) in explaining the commandment, "Thou shalt devour thine enemies, have no mercy upon them," declares: "For through the mercy of fools, all justice is lost." Ah, magnificent phrase by the halachic master, a delicious decree of Jewish morality. "The mercy of fools!"
But there is far more than this in the present disturbed state of the Jewish State, in the present psychotic state of the State of Israel. Mirrored in this wailing over the "rights" of terrorist swine, is the deep psychopathic tendency of large sections of Israel to take up Arab positions on almost every issue. It is the movies that portray the Arab as the oppressed human and the Jew as the oppressor. It is the hysterical-obsessive need to march on Shabbat with Arabs in Wadi Ara, an area known for its bloodthirsty Arabs who would wring the neck of every Jewish male and do much Worse to his woman. It is the book that is put out by the wife of Israel Radio's "interpreter" of Arab affairs glorifying leading Arab terrorist and recounting his visit to their home and their meetings with him in England. It is the kibbutz members rebuilding homes of Arab families whose members had been apprehended as members of terrorist gangs that had attacked Jews and which had

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been destroyed by the army. It is the Chief of Staff stating that the "Arabs are not the enemy" (thus revealing for the first time that for the past 40 years Israel has been fighting the Chinese). All of these are inherent aspects of the same moral-spiritual sickness that now has led to the sacking of the head of Security Services, a man who has given his life for his country, and the hasty granting of a "pardon" to him and three other Jewish heroes.
What we have here is part of a moral and mortal disease of national dimensions—a loss of belief in the most fundamental and basic tenets of national faith. It is a loss of faith that is so terrible to its victim because he must either own up to it, drop it, change his life entirely, move over to the enemy camp, or live an agonizing lie that gives neither sleep to his eye nor rest to his lids.
Hundreds of thousands of Israeli Jews—almost all secular, educated Ashkenazi, direct descendants of Zionism—fear, in their heart of hearts, that they are thieves who have no right to be in the country. With G-d playing no part in his life or calculations and the Divine Promise of the Jews to the land irrelevant, the secular Jew is riven with guilt over his inability to explain away, to others and to himself, Arab arguments that the land is really theirs and was stolen from them by the Zionists. The fact that Jews "once lived there" is simply not enough for him to answer the Arab, who asks: But I have lived here for hundreds of years, why did you take over my country, "Palestine," and make it a Jewish State, "Israel"?
And so, driven by these awe-inspiring feelings of guilt (the degree of which few but the Jew can attain), he walks in a permanent state of depressive-guilt, which is only augmented by his moral cowardice.
For if he is, indeed, a thief as he so darkly fears, should he not stand up and tell the Arab: Here is my kibbutz—your land—I return it to you? But the secular Israeli Hellenist is not even an honest thief. He lacks the courage to return what his brooding soul tells him Jews stole. And thus, he continues to brood and writhe in guilt and self-hatred over his cowardice and he desperately attempts to soothe his aching conscience by supporting the Arabs on every possible issue. He hopes, prays (to whom he knows not) to win from them some crumbs of forgiveness for both his robbery and his cowardice. He is prepared to destroy himself and his state in order to win Arab penance and absolution for his imagined sins.
And side by side with this sick thought is another: That time is

on the side of the Arabs and that ultimately they will win the struggle. The terrible thought of an Arab victory, and its accompanying bloodbath against the Jews, drives the spiritually disturbed Jew to stand by the side of the Arab on issue after issue in the desperate hope that, should the Arabs emerge victorious, he the "good" Jew, the "moral and ethical" Jew, the one who fought Kahane and the rightwing fascists of all kinds, can shout: I was your friend: I supported your legitimate rights; I was a good Jew. . . .
To understand what is happening in Israel one cannot analyze things logically, but psychologically. And what is happening is the penetration of a madness and blindness that is Divine punishment, measure for measure. Those who threw off Judaism and the yoke of Heaven, are stricken with an empty soul and madness, and blindness of heart and mind. Zionism without Judaism in Israel is an empty vessel leaving those who drink from its dregs empty, guilt-ridden and sick with the ague of self-hate. That is why a people that was once blessed as "a people wise and understanding" can reach the point where it tears itself apart over two Arabs who came to kill Jews. That is why the country daily rides its own various horses of the Apocalypse.
A final word. A final word to assure that the false moralists and ethical frauds are not only not allowed to continue their assumption of the mantle of righteousness, but will be branded as the accessories to murder —murder of fellow Jews —that they really are.
In December, 1983, a number 18 bus, driving down a Jerusalem street, had a bomb go off under one of its seats. Six Jews were killed. In the aftermath, a young, 20-year-old woman named Rina Pollak, wrote a poem. Rina is the only daughter of her family. Today. She was not always the only daughter. In fact, until the bomb exploded on that bus, she was one of three daughters to her father and mother. Unfortunately, two of the six Jews who were murdered on that bus were sisters. Rina's sisters, aged 15 and 16. And so, a few weeks later Rina wrote a poem. It is commended to all the mentally lame, blind and halting Jews of gentilized morality and respectability who fight unto the intellectual death any thought of removing the Arabs from the land:
You get up in the morning, and it is like any other morning; You go to work, and the work is like all other.
You ride the bus and it is like all other buses,

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You return in the afternoon and suddenly you hear that
you no longer have two sisters.
And to lose two sisters is not like just any other day.
You walk and you cry and breathe with difficulty and wonder;
Why did G-d suddenly take from you two sisters.
So small, and you cannot understand.
How is it that you get up in the morning and by
the afternoon you no longer have sisters who lived with you
for fifteen years until now and not be with you
for many years afterwards.
You get up in the morning and the morning is not like other mornings
You go to work and the work fails to lessen the greatness of the loss,
You ride the bus and the bus is already gone.
You return home in the afternoon and must grasp that you no
longer have two sisters.
I sit and try to think where my mind will lead me to two dead sisters
To continue a life, painful, filled with tears and fears,
thoughts and pains,
Or to hover above with two small sisters taken by terrorists;
Or to wait for another bus that takes innocent children to
a different world.
Every Arab who remained in the land to murder a Jew, to place a bomb that took a Jewish life, to stab a Jew and take from him his life, was able to do so because of Jews who refused to remove him. Those Jews are accessories to murder. Those Jews are partners in the murder of fellow Jews. Their hands are stained with blood and on their breasts will forever be branded the scarlet mark of Cain. "And the mercies of the wicked are cruel" (Proverbs 12).
One wishes to weep. To weep at a miracle of G-d given to us and turned by us into a travesty; a dream of strength and pride become an incredible parody of the Exile. Who would have believed it? Who would have believed that the day would come when the Arabs of Hebron, the descendants of the bloody murderers of Jews in 1929, would today drive and walk and stroll without fear in Tel Aviv while Jewish tour guides warn fearful Jews against going to visit the graves of the Patriarchs in Hebron?
The dream. The dream of a people huddled for two millenia in an Exile of fear, dreaming of the pride and strength and glory of a Jewish national home of their own. "To be a free people in or own land." A dream twisted by the gentilized disciples of Hellenism,

whose mercy of fools allows the murderers to remain within us and the fear to enter our hearts.
Leftist columnist Tuvia Mendelson, writing in the Histadrut paper Davar, produced a piece under the heading: "Home Before Darkness" (November 13, 1985).
In it he describes leaving a meeting in the Beit Hakerem section, in the heart of Jerusalem. The meeting finishes quite late. Outside, all is silence and very dark. The Jerusalem municipality, to save money, dims and shuts many lights after midnight. Tuvia Mendelson, progressive extraordinaire, fighter for equal Arab rights and bitter opponent of Kahanism, goes out to his car. He cannot find it in the dark. He wanders from auto to auto, his nervousness and fear growing with every passing moment. He writes:
"With nervousness comes tension and with tension—fear. And the fear remains after I found the car and after I succeeded with no little effort to push the key into the keyhole and open the door. And also after I started the car and began to drive. . . .
"While driving I locked the doors. I closed the windows securely. I tried to remember if I had my identity card or other papers through which my body could be identified [!]. I was panic-stricken to think that I was driving without a jack and if, G-d forbid, there would be a flat tire I would not be able to change it. I was covered with cold sweet. . . . When I got home I could not fall asleep. I hear sounds. Footsteps. Someone on the porch. Someone on the roof. ..." Incredible. The dream of Zion. But the madness within the madness is Mendelson's conclusion. The next day he angrily phoned the municipality. To demand that the lights not be dimmed at night. This of course is the problem. Tuvia in cuckooland.
The people of Israel. The dream. In search of a national couch.

The Temple Mount Is .

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Chapter 8
The Temple Mount Is ...
It was the unforgettable, majestic, glorious day in June, 1967, as Jewish soldiers crashed through the walls of Jerusalem's old city. Redeeming, reclaiming, liberating the ancient streets and alleyways; racing towards the Wall, scaling it and then — the electrifying words of the Commander, Motta Gur: "The Temple Mount is in our hands! The Temple Mount is in our hands!"
There was not a Jewish heart that did not pound with a sense of Divine, historic moment. There was not a Jewish spine, so straight and proud after two millenia of being supine, that did not shiver in a sense of awe. There was not a Jew, though the most extreme of scoffers, who, at that moment, did not see G-d!
"The Temple Mount is in our hands!" Jerusalem of Gold, of holiness, of David; Zion, out of which the L-rd roared and uttered his voice. The Temple Mount, from which the trumpet of the Holy One, Blessed Be He, blasted. "When our feet stood within thy gates, O Jerusalem" — we wept with tears of disbelief. For the Temple Mount was in our hands . . . "As the mountains are round about Jerusalem, so the L-rd is round about His people" — and we knew it to be true. For the Temple Mount was in our hands. "Ye that stand in the courts of the House of our G-d, praise the L-rd!" And we believed. For the Temple Mount was in our hands!
Let me quote from a letter that appeared in the March 21st, 1979, issue of Maariv, Israel's largest newspaper. It was written by a rabbinical student at Yeshivat Merkaz Harav and is obligatory reading for all those who, for Zion's sake, will not be silent:
"It was the Shabbat, when many Jews come to visit the Old City of Jerusalem. . . . Suddenly, after leaving one of the gates near the Temple Mount, the rioting began. Tens of Arabs, throwing stones and carrying knives and broken bottles, came at us. A storekeeper leaped upon me and I joined the others fleeing, as my hand bled profusely, eyeglasses left behind.
"How could it happen in the State of Israel today? Arab police are responsible for the safety of the East Jerusalem region. 'Auton-

omy' already exists when Arab police see Arabs throwing stones and nothing is done to arrest them. One who was arrested was a yeshiva student who kept calm and tried to help others. Before my very eyes, the police leaped upon him like wild beasts. This can serve to show us what we can expect in the future under 'autonomy.' ..."
Jerusalem. Where in 1967, electric shocks of ecstasy, a national thrill of incredulity, swept the Jewish people throughout the world, as Israeli Jewish troops smashed into the Old City, sweeping terrified Arabs before them as chaff in the wind. Jerusalem, City of David, Jerusalem of the Temple Mount and Western Wall and Holy of Holies and Zion, was, once again, in Jewish hands — all of it, Jewish. By the tens of thousands Jews streamed through the alleyways of the Old City where just a few days before the Arabs had ruled and no Jew dared step. Now, the Arab — awed, shattered — groveled before the Jew whom he saw as being blessed by G-d and His miracles. Fear gripped the Arab in Jerusalem just as pride and confidence and certainty was the Jewish cloak in the wake of the awesome war of Six Days.
Jerusalem. Where, by 1986, less than 20 years later, Jews fear to go to the Wall by way of the Damascus Gate as Jews are stabbed and shot in the same marketplace and streets where a short time earlier they walked as Jewish giants on the earth. As night falls, only a handful of foolhardy Jews risk walking through what the Israelis allow to be called, still, the Moslem Quarter. No Harlem ever held greater fears for the Jew than parts of his own capital city. Nothing more underlines the obscenity of Jewish fears in their own capital than the picture report that appeared in the Jerusalem weekly, Kal Ha'Ir (August 4, 1984).
Three pictures; all taken in the Old City of Jerusalem. The first shows a Hassidic Jew, surrounded by Arab youngsters, two of whom have snatched his hat from his head. The photo shows a Policeman standing calmly by with obviously no intentions of intervening. He is, like the vast majority of police in the Old City, an Arab.
The second picture shows the Jew, watching helplessly as the Arabs taunt him. The Arab policeman has, by now, disappeared. The third shows a large rock being thrown by an Arab youth at the Jew. It hit him in the head. Another day of Jewish pride in Jerusalem, Zion. The tragedy of Jewish glory turned into humilia-tion and fear by a Jewish policy that defies any normal logic and understanding.

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Jerusalem, where the Jewish students on Mount Zion sign a petition of desperation, detailing not only sexual and criminal assaults on them by Arabs, but the cynical indifference and lack of any law enforcement by the local police —Arabs.
"We, the undersigned to this petition, are demanding security for our lives and property. For the past ten years there have been thousands of incidents such as those outlined in this petition: Stabbings, rapes, attempted rapes, molestings, obscenities through indecent exposure, burglaries, vandalism. ..." And the police do nothing. And Jerusalem becomes Arab autonomy. The tragedy of a Jewish policy that defies any normal logic and understanding.
A Jewish policy? Say, rather a policy of Jews that was conceived in un-Jewishness and born in gentilized fear and timidity, a policy whose apex of humiliation is the desecration of Judaism's holiest site —The Temple Mount. The very moment of glorious Jewish victory in 1967 was the beginning of a flight to shame.
It began immediately after the greatest Jewish victory and miracle in 2500 years. The terrified and cowering Arabs of East Jerusalem were approached by the Defense Minister Moshe Dayan. Not enough that the Israeli government of 1967 committed the worst of mistakes by not driving out the Arabs who hated Israel and had tried to wipe her out. Not enough that in their fear of "world opinion," of what the Vatican and Islam might say, orders were given by the Israeli army to the liberators of the Old City not to use artillery to shell Arab positions lest they damage a single holy Moslem and Christian place (and how many Jewish soldiers died because of that policy!). The fearful and timid leaders of Israel immediately approached the heads of the Moslem community to assure them that the Temple Mount —the holiest of holiest of Jewish places—would remain in their hands. Jews were forbidden to enter there to pray, on their holiest site, a site stolen from them by invading Moslems who desecrated Judaism by building two mosques there. (And can one imagine the reaction of Moslems if Jews, conquering Mecca, built, on the holiest site of Islam — a synagogue?)
When in 1967, on the Fast of Tisha B'Av, the national day of mourning for the Jews, the anniversary of the destruction of both Temples, Army Chief Rabbi Shlomo Goren and 50 Jews went to pray on the Temple Mount. Defense Minister Moshe Dayan ordered the commander of the Central Command to prevent any further action that might incite the Moslems: "Honored Rabbi,"

said the general, "if you will go up to the Mount again, I will be compelled to remove you by force." The following day the Ministerial Committee in charge of the holy places met and unanimously forbade Jewish prayer that had been set for the following Shabbat. That was the beginning of a humiliating Jewish policy that stunned no one more than the Moslems who could not believe the manifestation of Jewish madness they had just seen.
From that day, the government of Israel, in a remarkable exhibition of masochism, has paved the way for a total change in Moslem attitude. From a frightened, cowering population, they turned into a confident, arrogant, dangerous one. From people who feared the Jewish conqueror, they became throwers of stones, knife stabbers, and grenade and bomb throwers. Most of all, the Temple Mount became once again theirs, this time returned to them by two-legged lemmings of the Mosaic persuasion —and they grow ever more passionately convinced that time is on their side.
The government, police, courts have all had a hand in the shameful, tragic Jewish descent into humiliation. Already on April 15, 1969, responding to an order nisi against Police Minister Shlimo Hillel (who later went on to become Knesset Speaker), the State Attorney explained that Jews should not be allowed to pray on the Temple Mount because "premature prayer" (sic) by Jews there would raise grave security and international political problems. The years that followed saw police again and again force-ably remove Jews attempting to pray on their holy site. Moslems watched in growing amazement, and growing arrogance and boldness, as the Jew who wished to enter as a tourist with camera and jeans was freely allowed access but the same son of Abraham entering with prayer shawl and prayer book was banned!
(In the years when American synagogues sold tickets for pews at High Holiday services, a rueful joke told of the Jew rushing up to the door without a ticket and telling the guard that he only wished to tell something to someone inside. Said the guard: "Fine, but if I catch you praying, I'll throw you out." The joke is alive and well today on the Temple Mount.)
Then, in 1976, a lower Jerusalem court, through Judge Ruth Or, ruled that Jews have a right to pray on the Temple Mount, but Police Chief Hillel blithely announced that he would continue to bar Jews. (This contempt for law is apparently endemic with Hillel as, nearly ten years later, in his capacity as Speaker of the Knesset, he announced that he would refuse to table certain bills by Knesset Member Meir Kahane, despite a High Court order to

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do so.)
The government hastily appealed the lower court order and on July 1, 1976, the Jerusalem District Court overruled Judge Or in a fascinating display of ghettoism. The court ruled that Jews who attempted to pray "demonstratively" (sic) on the Temple Mount were guilty of behavior "likely to cause a breach of the peace." Jews had an unquestionable right to pray on the Temple Mount, but public order, ruled the court, overrules that right of prayer.
The decision was mindboggling, the product of thinking most Jews assumed had disappeared with the Warsaw Ghetto revolt. To state that Jews had a right to pray on their holiest site and then to declare that this should be prevented because of fear of Arab rioting, was a paean to the shtetl of Minsk, Pinsk or Casablanca. But not even this was enough for the Israeli government, which wished to remove the decision that Jews have a theoretical "right" to pray on the Temple Mount and an appeal was taken to the Supreme Court. Meantime, Interior Minister Dr. Joseph Burg (himself a leader of the National Religious Party) declared that "the law will be kept." (Translation: Jews will not be allowed to pray on their holiest site.)
The astonished Arabs saw that the Jews, far from meting out to them the punishment they deserved and that they had given to the Jews when they ruled the Old City, were allowing them to retain all the power and authority that they would use later to demand total autonomy and independence. The Temple Mount served as the most glaring example of the fact that, despite Jewish protestations to the contrary, the land taken in 1967 was not liberated but "conquered." The Jews had come not as returnees to their own borders, but as an occupation army. One who loses his property and then unexpectedly finds it does not allow it to remain in the possession of another. He leaps upon it joyfully and cries out: "It is mine!"
The Arabs correctly understood Jewish "concessions" to be the product, not of goodness and grace, but of timidity and fear. And so, from a cowering Arab, the Jews produced a sneering, openly hating, stick bearing, stone throwing, grenade tossing thing —a time bomb waiting to explode.
The newspapers described some of the events. In 1979, as a number of yeshiva students came up to the gate of the Temple Mount to pray (in front of and not on the Mount itself), they were showered with rocks. Soldiers hid behind cars because they had orders not to shoot, lest The New York Times and Time magazine

feature them on their front pages. The head of the Central Command, General Moshe Levi, watched the mob. Levi, a member of the leftist Hashomer Hatzair kibbutz, was later to become Chief of Staff and won undying something-or-other with his statement during a speech in Tel Aviv (May 25, 1986): "To say that the Arabs are the enemy is simplistic and dangerous. For me the Arabs are not the enemy." When the Jew excels, he outdoes all others—especially in madness.
I return to the newspaper account of the Arab riot in 1979:
"'Only in this state could such a picture emerge,'" a police officer said angrily, yesterday, at the sight of the commander of the Central Command, Moshe Levi, and the head of the police central region, who entered the Temple Mount to meet face-to-face with angry Arab youths.
"The general walked over and asked them why they were holding sticks in their hands[!]. But during the entire conversation not one of them backed down and not one dropped his stick. 'This is the real autonomy,' muttered the same officer."
Meanwhile, in 1980, the Knesset passed a new Jerusalem Law which declared in paragraph (3):
"The holy places shall be protected from any desecration or attack on anything likely to damage the rights of all members of religions to access to the holy places or their feelings concerning them."
This paragraph which clearly —to all but those who would refuse to see —outlined the absolute right of Jews to access to their holy places, now seemed to guarantee that the High Supreme Court of Israel would order the government to allow Jews, on their holiest site, the same right of prayer that they allowed Moslems who had stolen the site. But no, the ghetto-shtetl syndrome remained part of the Israeli genetic code, proving once again that it is far easier to remove the Jew from the Exile than the Exile from within the Jew. On October 30, 1981, the High Court of Israel ruled on the issue. The following is the UPI wire service report:
"Jerusalem (UPI) —The Supreme Court today upheld the right of Israeli police to keep Jewish worshippers from praying on the Temple Mount because it creates a threat to public order, Israel radio said."
A threat to public order. The Arabs might riot. Ah, if Meir Kahane were Prime Minister and the Arabs knew that the police

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had orders and full backing to use as much force as they desired to keep public order —is there one normal person who believes that there would be an Arab threat to public order?
Since then, the Arabs have systematically destroyed every vestige of Jewish presence on the Temple Mount, destroying valuable archaeological evidence. A memorial to the Arabs killed at Sabra and Shatila is even placed on the Jewish holy site. The Temple Mount is on our hands! . . .
The lemmingism of the Israeli government is incredible! Who can count the ways?
In February, 1985, the Mufti of Jerusalem, Sheikh Sa'ad a-din Alamei, told the French news Agency:
"Any Moslem who will give up one inch of Palestinian land will lose without benefit of appeal, every attachment to Islam."
The Mufti, by declaring a ban on any Moslem who sold land or houses to Jews, was clearly guilty of sedition against the Jewish state. On February 26, 1985, I wrote to the Chief of Police asking that criminal proceedings be opened against the Mufti and personally filed a criminal charge with the police commander of Jerusalem's Old City. In my complaint I noted that if a Jew were to hand out flyers called on Jews not to buy from the Arabs of the Old City because they were enemies of Israel and pro-PLO, he would be arrested for sedition (indeed, a few months later, that is precisely what happened). On March 13, 1985, the office of the Chief of Police sent me the following reply:
"Your complaint has been investigated and it is clear that the material of the investigation does not indicate a criminal offense. Because of this, the police will not investigate the complaint."
The successor to the other Mufti who in the twenties and thirties led pogroms against the Jews of the Holy Land and who in 1942 met with Hitler to discuss the "final solution" for the Jews there, should have been given a Nobel Prize for extraordinary ability to keep from bursting into hysterical laughter. And, indeed, the Moslem religious leader has good reason to believe that Jews are mentally limited.
When the PLO conference was held in Amman, Jordan, in November 1984, one of the telegrams sent to Arafat was from the Jerusalem Mufti. It read: "From Al-Aksa mosque (on the Temple Mount) we emphasize our support of your Council and renew our oath of loyalty to the man of struggle Yasir Arafat. . . . Continue forward on your path, we are with you."
When the Sephardic Chief Rabbi of Israel in January, 1986,

called for a synagogue in the southeast part of the Temple Mount, Mufti Alamei declared: "Over the bodies of a million Moslems."
The Israeli reaction? Timid and fearful silence, lest the Arabs, Moslems and world react. And so, a mentally unbalanced Jew, Alan Goodman, shoots and kills two Arabs on the Temple Mount declaring that he wishes to liberate the spot and "become king of the Jews." Some thirteen years earlier, a Christian, Dennis Michael Rohan, set fire to the Al Aksa mosque. The Israeli court declared the Christian not criminally liable by reason of insanity. Yet Goodman, clearly unbalanced, received a life sentence plus two terms of 20 years. Once upon a time, in the Exile, the Jews would decide every major step by the proposition: What will the gentiles say? Then they created Israel, where Jews would be sovereign and free. . . . Laugh not, but rather weep for generations.
Jerusalem. Where the Palestinian autonomy and eventual state is being built. Jerusalem, which mirrors so much of the other desecration that fills the land.
The Temple Mount is not in our hands. East Jerusalem is not in our hands. Judea and Samaria and Gaza and the Golan are not in our hands. The Biblical Eretz Yisrael which we liberated through G-d's decree in 1967, is not in our hands.
"On Mount Zion which is desolate, there the foxes walk ..." (Lamentations 5).
The Temple Mount is in their hands, the foxes, the cunning Arab foxes. And the words of Motta Gur ring hollowly—and it is we who are to blame. We, who took a miracle and disdained it. We, who took holiness and profaned it. We, who were given a Zion, a Jerusalem, a Temple Mount —and gave it over to the jackal-foxes.
What we see today is a mini-renewal of Arab rioting, murder and pogrom of the twenties and thirties. Then, the Arab mobs surged into the streets shouting, "Addowlah ma'anah" ("The government is with us!"). They meant the British Mandatory occupation government. Today, the Arabs know that the Jewish "occupation" government, because of its fear of world opinion, has given strict orders to soldiers not to shoot. In that sense it has opened the door to Arab boldness and contempt and attacks on Jews. In that sense the Jewish government of occupation is also "with" them. The Arabs have smashed the dam of fear and it will spill over. If Jews are attacked on their way to the Wall, and if a Jew is seriously hurt, or, G-d forbid, murdered, and if the

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residents of the Jewish Quarter are in increasing danger —know that it is the Jews who are to blame.
He who controls the Temple Mount will control Jerusalem. And he who controls Jerusalem will control the Holy Land. And the desecration of the Land and of G-d is inconceivable. One shakes his head in utter incomprehensibility when reading the words uttered by Menachem Begin in 1977:
"If I become the Prime Minister, I will open the Temple Mount to Jews. I will not fear the reactions of the Christian and Moslems."
Begin became the Prime Minister. The Temple Mount is still in Arab hands.
Chapter 9
Artists, Intellectuals and Imbeciles
I have never, ever been afraid of the Arabs; it is the Jews who terrify me. The ultimate danger to Jews has never been the gentile; it is the Jews who have always been their own worst enemy. And no Arab state or combination thereof can ever bring Israel to its knees. To accomplish that, they must look to the enemy within, the Jews of self-hate, of cancerous guilt, the lemmings of Suicide Now. To our bitter regret, there is no lack of these; the enemy is indeed within the gates, within the walls.
And so, a quick tour of Jewish cuckooland — the bastion of the liberal-left in Israel, the fortress of the guilt-ridden and self-haters, the modern Samsons who yearn for death and to take us with them.
Tzalach Ta'amri is a senior PLO military official. He was the one who created the young Fatah (military wing of the PLO) branches and was commander of the PLO in the battle with Israeli forces in Karama, Jordan. He was one of the military commanders of the terrorists in Lebanon, where he was captured by the Israeli army. There, he was placed in the infamous prisoner

camp, Antzar, infamous because the terrorists under his command daily insulted, threw excrement and food at Israeli soldiers, attempted to attack them and escape —all with Israeli guards under frustrating and humiliating shackles not to use force against them, lest international opinion cry out.
Ta'amri, senior terrorist official, hater of Israel, is handsome, intelligent, and so much cleverer than Israelis that he automatically becomes the target for all the Israeli guilt and sickness of soul. Little wonder that a book glorifying him has just been completed by Aharon Barnea, the official commentator on Arab affairs for Israel State Radio, and his wife. Barnea, a leftist whose love affair with the Arab world is worthy of a place in the psychological classics, interviewed the Arab, and was stricken by him. Naturally. Here was the Arab, totally convinced of the justice of his cause, versus the Israeli, not sure of his right to be in Israel, of his Jewishness, of his very identity. It was simply no match. Suffice it to say that Barnea intervened with the military authorities to allow the PLO leader to tour Israel, kibbutzim, Barnea's home in fashionable, wealthy Ramat Hasharon, and—Yad V'Shem, the Holocaust Memorial Center. . . .
Naturally, the terrorist became a penitent. Naturally, the Arab whose victory over Israel would repeat the Holocaust was deeply affected by the original one.
Amos Oz, kibbutznick, writer, and idol of Jane Fonda, met the Arab lion, who by now had become a must for all the intellectual and artistic lemmings of the gentilized Hebrew "in" crowd. Said Oz: "I am invited to many cocktail parties but I do not go. But if there is ever a Palestine state and you are its Ambassador, I promise to come to the party you give." Poor Amos, he makes a poor prophet. On the day there is a Palestine state, the PLO terrorist will try very hard to make sure he will never have the opportunity to be an Ambassador to a state he wishes to destroy.
Prizes for not laughing should have been showered upon him, too, as he was released from Antzar, thanks to his Israeli friends who saw in him all the justice, heroism and nationalism they lack. He was last heard of in May, 1986, when, having returned as senior commander of the PLO in Jordan, he was expelled by Hussein as being too dangerous to the country. I would clearly be ready to exchange a sane Hussein for two mad Jewish Israeli Barneas (monsieur et madam), who will always be able to tell their Children how proud they should be of having sat on the lap of a terrorist in their home in Ramat Hasharon. Who knows? He may

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return there, for that is certainly what the Arab plans to do.
The national Mafia of Israeli lemmings has already leaped upon this book. Yehoshua Sobol, playwright of the Theater of the Jewish Suicidal, announced immediately that he would make a play out of the book. Sobol is the major playwright for the Haifa Theatre, and both the theater and the playwright have made permanent places for themselves in the Hall of Fame of Jewish Cuckooland.
Indeed, Israeli plays and movies have become a sea of Jewish masochism, whose themes repetitively proclaim and describe the ugly Jew; the Nazi-Jew; the oppressed Arab; love between an Arab and Jewish woman in a world of bigotry; ridicule of and hatred for Judaism. It is almost impossible to plumb the depths of this Jewish self-hatred, a disease that infects countless young Israeli Jews and that shatters their belief in Zionism, the army, the justice of their cause. Sobol and the Haifa Theatre are among the generals in this army of Jewish masochism and self-hate. They are a disease, a Black Plague of Jewish hatred of Jews.
In the Spring of 1986, the Haifa Theatre travelled to Chicago where they presented the two Sobol plays, Ghetto and Soul of a Jew. For a brief understanding of Ghetto, the words of Yediot Aharonot writer, Noah Klieger, a Holocaust survivor, are pertinent (May 29, 1986):
"In Chicago and Washington they raved about Ghetto and Soul of a Jew. They raved about Ghetto, frightening and horrifying, whose main aim is, apparently, to prove that even in the shadow of death the Jews do not stop being ugly, corrupt, informers and egotists. They raved about unlikeable Jews who arouse among non-Jews the feeling that it was not so terrible that the number of such disgusting characters was lessened. It is no surprise that they enjoy it when a Jewish writer through a Jewish theater presents a plan that confirms what they think anyway." (It may be added, that the obscene play was presented on the eve of the anniversary of Israel's Day of Remembrance of the Holocaust.)
The other play, Soul of a Jew, concerns Otto Weininger, one of the sickest characters in Viennese Jewry of the 1920's, a man who became a household word as a prototype of selbsthas, self-hatred. A brilliant and deeply disturbed person, he hated his Jewishness and himself, finally committing suicide at a young age. The play, perfect as a mirror-image for Sobol, is a non-stop Jewish anti-Semitic flood. One particular passage shows more than anything else the deep disturbance within Sobol's soul and mind that so

symbolizes the secular Israeli artist and intellectual.
In the scene, Weininger, naked, is being massaged by a woman, and he speaks:
"Oh L-rd, G-d of our times, the woman and Jewess of all times, blessed are you and our name who gives man sex; L-rd, G-d of sex, strengthen my spirit with sex, strengthen my body with sex, bless my deeds with sex."
(Here, Sobol satirizes the sacred prayer for the dead, Eyl Malei Rackarmn, which has in it the words "hamtzei menucha nechona" ("grant perfect repose"), and changes the word "menucha," repose or rest, to "tnucha," so that the meaning becomes "grant a perfect (sexual) body position . . ." It is this sick vomit that is produced in Israel, presented in Israel and then exported to Chicago and Washington and Edinburgh (where it opened the famous Edinburgh Festival in 1983), as well as Broadway in 1987.
And it was in Chicago that the gentilized Hebrews of Israel met with members of the Chicago Jewish community. Having begun their tour on the right foot by opening on the holiday of Passover, the meeting with the Chicago Jews was an eye-opener, if a shocking one, for the lovers of Zion who attended. A letter from Professor A. I. Weinzweig, Professor of Mathematics at the University of Illinois, who was present at the meeting, was published in the Jerusalem Post, July 10, 1986. In it he speaks of the anger of a Jewish Holocaust survivor over a scene in the play which portrays the humaneness of a SS officer who caught a Jew with a gun, took it away from him and allowed him to go. The letter reads in part:
"The German lady said that the portrayal of the SS man was not true — as no SS man who had caught a Jew with a gun would simply have taken the gun away and released the Jew, as happened in the play. (Doron) Tavori, who played the SS man, answered, saying that he was born in Israel and his parents were born in Israel and he knew nothing of the Holocaust (a sad commentary on Israeli education), that he did not want to portray the Nazis as monsters, but wanted to show that they were also men of culture, that inside all of us is a little Nazi. This touched off a storm of protest in the audience.
People demanded to know if Tavori was comparing Israel with Nazi Germany, and he answered: 'Look at Germany in the early days of Hitler and compare it to Israel today.'
"The moderator, no doubt to change the subject, asked another member of the cast a question. (This was Yusuf AbuVarda, an Israeli Arab). He proceeded to answer by stating that

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he was not a Jew, that he was born and grew up in Haifa but was a Palestinian. Here was an individual, born and educated in Israel, travelling abroad as part of an Israeli theatre troupe and stating that he is a Palestinian, not an Israeli. He then proceeded to argue that Israel today is very much like Nazi Germany.
"Later that week there appeared in the local papers an interview with Tavori in which he stated that the Haifa Theatre tries to represent the cause of the Palestinians and he added, with obvious approval, that they are regarded as the PLO representatives in Israel.
"On Saturday evening, May 10, we attended a reception for the Haifa Theatre troupe. The hostess apologized, explaining that this had been planned long in advance of the incident in the theatre. In discussion . . . members of the troupe . . . complained about the fact that the Chicago Jewish community did not support them. I pointed out that by opening on Pessah (Passover) they alienated the community. They then asserted their right to open on any day they chose."
There is no end to the long list of masochistic and self-hating Israeli plays and movies that denegrate, attack and defame the army, Judaism and Zionism. The Arab's greatest allies are the Israeli artist, theater and news media. At the end of 1985, the play, Efraim Returns to the Army, was banned because it compared the Israeli rule in Judea and Samaria to that of Nazi Germany. The author, Yitzhak Leor, is a well-known Israeli Communist. (Two years earlier, Leor authored a poem that spoke of Jewish settlers "baking the blood of Palestinina youths into their Passover matzohs.") The Governor of Jericho, is a play about a brutal and stupid Jewish military governor and a poor, persecuted Arab terrorist who, along with a soldier who refuses to obey orders, are the two heroes of the play. The same playwright, Yosef Mondi, has written The Gay Nights of Frankfurt, about a German-Jewish brothel owner in Frankfurt, West Germany, and an Israeli army officer who has left Israel to live in Germany and who appears in the brothel engaging in a sex act. Sample line from the play: "You Jews are just as bad as the Nazis. You also murder Arabs. If you only could, you would do what the Nazis did." And: "Jews are not human beings at all, they do not belong to the human race. They are the crudest enemies on the face of the earth."
When the anti-Semitic play Garbage, the City and Death, by the German leftist gentile playwright, Rainer Fassbinder, was to

be presented in Frankfurt, German Jews, Israeli Jews and world Jewry rose up in protest that an anti-Semitic play should be allowed to be shown. The play carried only a small part of the anti-Jewish lines and innuendoes that so many Israeli plays do. Little wonder that the religious parties in Haifa, in June, 1986, demanded that the municipality cut off its funding of the theatre.
Invariably, the national masochists manage to intertwine their three main themes —love between an Arab and a Jew, the oppressed Palestinian, and the oppressive Israeli army. Thus, plays such as A Very Narrow Bridge, The Palestinian, and To Share an Apartment, all attack the basic fundamentals of Judaism, Zionism and the State of Israel, especially the fundamental Jewish opposition to intermarriage. They join such films as Ham-sin by Danny Waxman, A Silver Tray by Yehuda N'eman, and Pressure by Michel Ohion. To Share an Apartment, a story about a Jewish woman (naturally) who shares an apartment with an Arab student, male (naturally), was hailed in the newspaper Hadashot as "an answer to Kahanism." That in itself should tell everything about the real meaning of the struggle between Kahane and his enemies. That should explain exactly what the enemies of Kahane really want.
All these plays poison the minds of tens of thousands of young people. All underline clearly what the real purpose of the opponents of Kahanism is. And as this spiritual and moral destruction takes place, does the Jew outside of Israel have the slightest knowledge of what is happening?
Among the worst of the abominations was the 1984 film Beyond the Walls, which was a Hollywood Oscar nominee in 1985 for the best foreign film of the year! This essentially undistinguished film was the winner of the "Israeli Oscar" last January, and the recipient of outlandish praise and exaggerated bombastism by all the decadent denizens of the world of art in Israel, the same camp that, in every country in the west, is in the forefront of the rot and moral suicide of the state.
Beyond the Walls was directed by one Uri Barbash, an extreme left-wing pillar of Peace Now, who correctly grasped the principle behind the technique of destroying a society from within. A nation whose military prowess and technological skills are matched by a strong will to win and self-assurance as to the justice of their cause cannot be defeated. The only way to insure the collapse of that kind of nation and society is to erode its confidence from within, to implant within the people doubts con-

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carning the justice and righteousness of their struggle, to inject within the body politic the viruses of guilt, moral confusion and self-hate. A people so infected will produce soldiers who lose the idealism and moral certainty that carry them to heights of heroism; soldiers who hesitate to use the force and strength that alone can assure their survival and who, thus, begin to fear to enter into certain situations and for whom the very name "Lebanon" strikes deep unease in their hearts; soldiers who, for the first time, refuse to obey orders to either serve in Lebanon or the "occupied territories" at all, or to participate in certain actions.
The Vietnamization of Israel —this is the program and plan of Suicide Now, and the blast that causes internal collapse will come from the barrel of the gun of the decadent and self-hating "artists" whose use of the media, of television and movie entertainment, provides the most effective brain-washing weapons of them all. Of all the guns in the hands of the enemies of the State of Israel, none is more powerful than that of the cultural cannon from within, the artillery of entertainment. And the finger on the trigger is a Jewish one.
Beyond the Walls is a film that sets about attacking the most powerful roadblock in the path of the leftist drive for Israeli collapse—namely, the normal, healthy, and correct perception by Israelis of the Arab as their enemy, and, more important, of the nature of the Arab as a cruel, brutal, murderous enemy. In particular, it is the Sephardi Jews—those who lived under Arabs and who are so acutely normal, who know the enemy well and who never again wish to "enjoy" Arab hospitality—who must, somehow, be neutralized and propagandized. This was the goal of Barbash and his film. It is a cheap film, pandering to the tastes of the masses by using a prison, with all its attendant violence, as the setting. Knowing that it is the natural tendency of people who are at the bottom of the social rung to resent authority of any kind, the leftist Barbash, shrewdly, used his film to center in on that resentment.
The film showed the prison with its two major populations, the Jews and the Arabs. Barbash's first task was to break down the negative picture of the Arabs while at the same time destroying the positive image of the Jew. Thus, the Arabs in the film are idealistic terrorists and the Jews ordinary criminals. The Arabs and their leader, the real star of the film, emerge as intelligent idealists, who are in prison only because of their higher cause,

while the Jews are thugs, ignoramuses and hoodlums, jailed for selfish and ordinary crimes. The Arab terrorist leader was played by an Israeli Arab, shrewdly chosen by Barbash. He was light, blue-eyed (as typical an Arab as I am a Chinese), and thus physically and ultimately personally attractive to Israelis.
Having done this, Barbash moves on to the main goal of the film: To show that it is not the Jews and Arabs who should be fighting each other, but rather an alliance of the oppressed poor Jews (read Sephardic!) and the Arabs against the corrupt Jewish Establishment.
And so, the main theme of the film is the corrupt prison officialdom and how they mistreat Jews and Arabs alike, and the attempt by the wise and calm Arab terrorist leader to persuade the rather backward Jewish prison gang leader that Arabs and Jews are really brothers in arms against Jewish corruption. This film is a fifth column, a ticking time bomb, a gun aimed by Jews at the very heart of Israel.
Naturally, it was hailed in Israel by the colony of decadent artists, the ones who are among the pillars of Suicide Now. And, of course, the Philistine lemmings who are in eternal awe of "artists" fell in line and praised it to the skies, overlooking such lines as "What is the difference between a (Jewish) bus that is blown up (by terrorists) and a refugee camp bombed (by Israeli jets)?" And of course, it won prizes as the international leftist decadents who make up the international artists of the world leapt to nominate it as best foreign film of the year.
But most important, was the impact on the Israeli audiences who flocked to it (thanks in great measure to the rave reviews by the leftists in the newspapers, radio and television). The overwhelming majority of the viewers were young people, Sephardic Jews, the very normal and healthy people that until now have stood as a massive wall against the efforts of the sick Barbashes to infect Israel with the virus of self-destruction. And those viruses have now been injected into the body politic of Israel.
It is not the first such film, it is not the first bullet or shell fired by the artillery of the enemy within. There have been many others, almost all centering on the theme of the "poor, oppressed Arab" (invariably finding solace in the arms of the Israeli Jewess). But this is the first that has succeeded in climbing the international ramparts. Its success will legitimize cultural treason and the rights of the enemy within to destroy us from there.

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And then there is the great debate in Israel over the censoring of a Swedish film, Gaza Ghetto, an unabashed propaganda piece for the PLO, which shows an Arab mother whose son has participated in an anti-Israel demonstration and been killed, shouting to her children at the grave: "You will grow up and join the PLO and avenge his death!" The Israeli censor did what any normal country under the Arab gun would do. It banned the showing of the film in Israel. The outcry from the artists of decadence, Suicide Now, the cultural enemies from within, was immediate. "Censorship! Of what are we afraid?" Another shot in the war from within the Jewish state, from within the walls.
The question remains: What is it that drives artist types to hatred of state, people and self? What is it that drives them to an anarchy that attacks all that is normal and sane, that drives them to irrational hatred of all authority? What, in the case of Israel and Jewry, obsesses them, impels them to climb the barricades against Judaism and the Jewish State?
The answer, of course, lies in the very nature of that person who is an "artist." Almost by definition, the artist is an individualist, one who is driven by an overwhelming sense of self, one who is possessed by an ego that not only impels him to produce works of "greatness" and "beauty," but which grows in direct relationship to his success. A certain kind of person is moved to become a teacher or accountant or physician. A certain kind of person is driven to "art," whether it be painting or music or the entertainment world. The artist, in the broadest terms, is a person with an all-consuming ego that finds himself needing the approval and adulation of the crowd which he secretly despises as being inferior to him in talent and in intelligence. And because of his ego, he cannot abide any tethering of his desires, he demands absolute freedom to do that which he wishes, in the name of his "art."
The state, by its very nature as an authoritative, coercive body that demands respect and obedience from the individual, is the natural enemy of the artist; and especially when, deep in his sub-consciousness, is the gnawing knowledge that the businessman and the politician and the military person are people of decisive action and decision in the real world, a thing that he shrinks from; for it is the very need to escape from reality that drives the artist into his own world. That is why the artist will heap calumny and contempt upon precisely those people who live in the real world, who must and do make the difficult decisions that the artist could never make. He hates them for their strength; he hates them for

their authority; he hates them for being that which he would like to be but cannot achieve because of a weakness that is cloaked by a narcissism that destroys.
And of course, the ultimate enemy for the Jewish artist is a Judaism that demands, from each individual, the acceptance of the yoke of Heaven. Freedom? Judaism defines freedom in a way that no artist can accept: "For no man is free but he who occupies himself in the study of Torah" (Avot 6:2). The only freedom recognized by Judaism is that which is within the bounds, the framework of halacha. The Jewish ego must be harnessed by the yoke of Heaven. Art? Of course. But only within the limitations of goodness and halacha, and the beauty of Yefet can dwell only within the tents of Shem.
For the artist this is impermissible. It goes against that very soul that is consumed by self, by ego, by "I." That is why Judaism and the state are his sworn enemies. That is why authority of any kind cannot dwell within his camp. And that is why he is driven by self-destruction, to the desire to destroy all others along with himself. For the one who is obsessed by ego can never be satisfied, can never find happiness. His is the path of eternal damnation in this world, and since he does not believe in another one, his ultimate yearning is to put an end to his agony. In the meantime, we all suffer because of him.
And then there is Nadia. Another fascinating must for students of national abnormal psychology. Nadia was a 24-year-old Arab terrorist, captured inside Israel as she prepared to plant a bomb in Jerusalem that would have caused wholesale slaughter. She was sentenced to 12 years imprisonment and sent to the women's prison at Nvei Tirza. Since she was beautiful, cultured, wealthy, intelligent, and talented, the Jewish mercy of fools won out and she was placed with regular Jewish criminals and not with other terrorists.
It is interesting to note an article that appeared in Maariv (January 2, 1985) about a Jewish woman criminal who had been incarcerated in the same Nvei Tirza prison. Her name is given only as G., and the article states:
"G. is furious over the privileged position of the (women) terrorist prisoners, over the strikes they call if the food is unacceptable to them and over the fact that they are immediately asked if they would like something else. They utter hatred against the state and the army and sing Palestinian (terrorist) songs. The day of (the refugee camps in Beirut) Sabra and Shatila saw speeches

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and defamation against Israel, and the prison guard B. responded by saying: 'What can we do?' But on Independence day, when we blessed the state and sang 'Am Yisrael Hai' ('the People of Israel lives'), the warden silenced us so as not to cause provocations."
But back to Nadia. With uncanny instinct she went for the Jewish jugular—guilt. She taught music to the inmates, showed them how to dress and wear makeup (all the important Jewish things that Dizengoff instills in daughters of Israel). More important, she learned Hebrew quickly, composed Hebrew songs and sang Zionist favorites. During the Yom Kippur War she knitted woollen caps for the soldiers at the front and one theme was sounded by her, tirelessly: Peace, peace, peace, peace. The clever Arab terrorist knew her Jewish lemmings.
Everyone loved her. An Israeli intellectual visited the prison regularly. She asked him to mail letters for her (illegally). Of course he did. Who could argue with an Arab terrorist who spoke, wrote and sang of peace? Edna Pe'er, an Israel State Radio personality and interviewer, simply had to visit her and lionize her on a broadcast. With pathos and indigenous Arab sincerity, Nadia won Edna over. Needless to say, because of "poor health" and rich and influential Israeli lemmings, Nadia was pardoned after only three years. She left —a Zionist, woollen cap knitter and lover-of-peace, former terrorist.
In March, 1986, Edna Pe'er presented a second program on Nadia. It seems that the Israeli liberal radio lemming could not get enough of her terrorist friend who loved her and Israel so much (in prison she had told Edna Pe'er: "To be a Jew in this part of the world is to be a hero," leading one of her new-found Israeli friends to blurt out: "She's one of us! She's one of us!"). And so, Edna flew to Morocco to interview Nadia again.
Ashes. Weep for Edna and all the Israeli lemmings of Jewish persuasion. Let me quote the Jerusalem Post (March 21, 1986) report on the second Nadia program following poor Edna's return from Morocco:
"Nadia's whole performance during her imprisonment here, her enthusiasm for Zionism and Hebrew songs and her admiration for Israeli patriotism, was a sham.
"[Says Nadia] 'We got out messages to our brothers in the occupied areas through prison workers and in other ways. And those seemingly harmless unsealed letters I had sent abroad (through her Israeli intellectual), those, too, contained messages.'

"You Israelis are so sure you are right, and you so want people to believe and to understand you . . .'" Bullseye for Nadia! Poor Edna. Poor Israel.
This erosion of the national will is manifested in more than plays and movies. It is seen in the daily doses of masochism and guilt and self-hate that are poured down the mouths of the Jews in Israel by the leftist-dominated radio and television. The news itself is incredibly slanted, and the Lebanese war saw such an insidious anti-war bias that the news media came to be known in nationalist circles as Radio and TV Fatah. Naturally, every demand for change and the banning of programs that can only be of invaluable service to the enemy (such as the long coverage given to a blatantly pro-PLO graduation ceremony at Shchem's Al-Najah University) is immediately blasted as "censorship." (This from leftists who succeeded in banning a television program on intermarriage in Israel on the grounds that it was "racist.") Surely, one of the first things that any sane national party that achieves power must do is to throw the rascals out, remove the entire leftist-dominated state news media system —the producers, editors and commentators—and bring in Jews who are committed to Zionism, Judaism and a healthy proud approach to the State of Israel. Not people chosen for their political party affiliations but for their ideological thinking. It is a thing that must be done, and, please G-d, will be done. And let no leftist who barred Meir Kahane from appearing on state communications because of his views ever dare to complain when he is removed for the very same reason.
The sick, corrosive guilt of the intellectuals can be seen in myriad ways:
'Thirty "artists," members of the Israeli Artists Union, left Jerusalem's Artist House on August 12, 1984, to travel to the Arab refuges camp, Jabaliya, in Gaza to protest the arrest of a PLO Arab artist Fatchi Rban for pro-PLO paintings. The Jewish artists carried signs reading "There is no art without freedom," and "An artist in prison—Kahane in the Knesset," and issued a statement on behalf of the PLO Arab which declared that "limi-
tations on freedom of expression [sic] lead directly to fascism."
• In March, 1986, a group called "Forum," made up of university people, held a seminar on Law and Citizen's Rights in the Territories at Tel Aviv University's "Seat of Law" hall. Naturally, pro-PLO Arabs from the territories were invited — after all were they not the featured victims of Israeli persecution? — and among

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them was one Mona Rashmawi, an attorney from Ramalla. During a break, the persecuted Mona pronounced that an Israeli flag standing in the hall was giving her a problem since the presence of both flag and Mona in the same room might be interpreted as her recognizing the "conquest." (Just what she meant by "the conquest" was not clear, though right-wing fascist types might point out that the flag was in Tel Aviv.) In any event, when it comes to Israeli intellectuals, whatever Arab Mona wants, Mona gets, and Professor Tina Reinhart rushed to move the offending Israeli flag to the other side of the room where it could not be seen by the persecuted Mona.
• On January 9, 1985, some 2500 cheering Arabs sat inside A-Najah National University in the city of Shchem (Nablus), situated in Samaria. A-Najah is one of no less than seven universities in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, all of which were naturally created by the Israelis. (Jordan, needless to say, was far too astute to allow universities under its rule of the areas from 1949 to 1967.) If ever there was a formula for the creation of rebels and revolutionaries it is the creation of universities and the intellectuals they produce, no matter how half-baked. But the Jew —always merciful, democratic and intent on self-destruction —rushed to allow the Arabs to create the breedings grounds for PLO leadership.
Here is the Jewish Telegraphic Agency report (January 14, 1985) concerning the commencement exercises at A-Najah that day:
"Cheering Palestinians attended the fourth commencement exercises at the university which has often been the scene of violent clashes between Arab students and Israeli soldiers. They sang nationalist songs, chanted Palestinian slogans and listened to patriotic speeches, against the backdrop of a huge red-white-black Palestinian flag—an absolute no-no by the standards of the Israeli authorities. But the army kept away from the university; it did not intervene.
"As the 481 graduating students entered the hall to the strains of the Palestinian national song, "My Country," and raising "V" signs (the PLO symbol), the crowd sheered with enthusiasm. Among the crowd were many of the national leaders, most of them desposed from their official positions — Bassam Shaka, who was removed as Mayor of Nablus, and Karim Khalaf, deposed mayor of Ramalla."
One knows that the Jordanians are torn between absolute aston-

ishment and disbelief. Who but the incredible Jew would allow such an open display of Palestinian nationalism which is guaranteed to create young student and intellectual leaders for the PLO? Who could not understand the immense pride that surged through the Arab breasts and the accompanying hatred for Israel as, against the backdrop of their flag, they sang their national song, "My Country"? And who could fail to grasp the Arab understanding that they were witnessing an Israeli retreat, yet another Israeli weakness and fear of America? For who was in attendance, too? The JTA report continues:
"Next to them (Shaka and Khalaf) sat a distinguished guest, Wat Clevarius, the American Consul General in East Jerusalem— quite openly an expression of American interest [sic] in the quality of life of the Palestinians under Israeli occupation."
"American interest"? Say rather American pressure, that forces even normal Israelis to step toward the brink of madness. This blatant interference by the United States in the most vital of Israeli interests is topped only by the humiliating insistence by Washington on two separate Consulates in Jerusalem, one in the eastern (Arab) section and the other in the western (Jewish) area. This United States move is a stinging slap in Israel's face, a reminder that, for Washington, Jerusalem is not a Jewish city, but divided between East and West, Jewish and Arab. A people, a state, with the slightest element of pride would have long since barred foreign officials from entering the territories to agitate the Arabs, and would have ordered one of the U.S. Consulates to close (whichever the Americans chose would not be important, since it is all one city—Jewish).
The Arab universities grow and grow (A-Najah has increased from several hundred when Israel set it up in 1977 to 3100 in 1986). They are hotbeds of radical anti-Israel thinking and activities. In the elections for the four main universities for Student Committees, the results were:
Rejection Front- Moslem Arafat Backers Leftist Terrorists Brotherhood
38% 36% 26%
50% 13% 37%
50% 7% 43%
44% 44% 12%
Bir Zeit (Ramalla) A-Najah (Shchem) Hebron Bethlehem

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These are the monsters that Israel allows to be created under its own nose. These are the ones who will lead the terrorists and the "Palestinians" in violent clashes and in revolution against Israel. How many Jews will be murdered because Israel allowed its enemies to create a leadership that would urge its people to attack Jews?
But to consider something even more insane —what about the far more serious danger of Israeli Arabs who are being educated daily in the higher universities of Israel? Each and every one of these students is part of the nucleus of the future revolutionary leadership of a "Palestinian" people inside Israel which will turn the country into a northern Ireland. Knesset member Muhamad Miari of the Progressive List is openly a supporter of the PLO and an opponent of a Zionist state. He is a graduate of Hebrew University. Mahmud Muhareb, then chairman of the Arab Student Committee at Hebrew University and an Israeli citizen of Lydda, told Maariv (January 20, 1978):
"We, the Arab students at the university, constitute an indivisible part of the Palestinian Arab nation, and we struggle in its service and in order to achieve its goals.
"As for me and my personal lot, I am first and foremost a Palestinian, a resident of Lydda. My Israeli citizenship was forced upon me. The law required me to carry an Israeli identity card and passport. As a Palestinian, I would prefer Palestinian ones. With the final solution common to the Arab of Palestine and Judea, Lydda will be within the sovereign boundaries of the democratic state. What will that state be called? Palestine, naturally. . . .
"We do not recognize the right, which you call 'historic,' of the Jewish people in this land —this is our fundamental principle. In this land only the Palestinian Arab people have the historic right."
Mahmud was able to study at Hebrew University thanks to Jewish madmen. Including those Jews who so happily contribute to the school and all the others —Tel Aviv University, Ben-Gurion University, Haifa University. At the latter, the Arab students published a paper called Bian, which said, among other things:
"We are an indivisible part of the Arab Palestine people and the PLO is our sole legal representative. . . . Zionism is a racist, colonialist movement."
For those who enjoy giving money to "Israel" to help the "Jewish State," take pride in knowing that of the 37 graduates major-

ing in chemistry in the Spring of 1984, at Hebrew University, you helped no fewer than 17 Arabs to go to degrees and expertise. What will they do with it? What could an expert in chemistry do?
Prime Minister Peres in the Knesset boasted of the progress made by Israeli Arabs under their friendly and benevolent Jewish democrats. Whereas Israel in 1948 saw an Arab population that was abysmally illiterate, today, said Peres, there are some 4,000 Arabs studying in the universities of the Jewish State. Indeed, another such "accomplishment" for Israel and we are undone.
But, of course, it will continue, and the growing education of the Arab will not only give him the weapon of knowledge but will create a qualitatively different Arab, totally unlike his pliant fathers. And so, when Yediot Aharonot (March 25, 1986) writes that since 1970 the number of Arab academicians has grown by five times and that the number of Arab high school graduates is now ten times that which it was fifteen years ago, one begins to understand the full extent of the bloody uprising that Israel will see in the near future.
Is there no one who feels that for an Arab to be privileged to receive higher education in the Jewish State he should at least be compelled, as a condition of admission, to state his allegiance to and acceptance of Israel as the Jewish State? Is that too much to ask before giving Jewish funds —so much of it raised from naive western Jews in the Exile —to Arabs who can use their education to work for Israel's destruction? Are there not tens of thousands of poor Israeli Jews—mostly Sephardic—who would dearly love to get the education and room and board that the Israeli Arabs, who hate Israel, are now receiving? Madness, Jewish madness.
And yet, even this aspect of lunacy cannot quite match another area of Israeli cuckooland. It would stand to reason that the purpose of Jewish schools in the Jewish State is to encourage love and faith and pride in Jewishness and Israel. Surely, that is not too far-fetched an assumption, even in these days of madness. And so it becomes difficult for even a jaded watcher of Jewish cuckooland to understand the decision by the liberal, progressive, all-tolerant Ministry of Education to introduce to Jewish high school students books and stories and Arab authors, all of course anti-Zionist and Pro-PLO, in order that the young Jew see can "the other side. ..."
And so, the high schools of Israel have introduced an anthology of stories by Arab authors called A Place on the Face of the Earth. The anthology was compiled by the infamous Van Leer

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Institute, a den of leftist and defeatist Jews, whose major achievement is to undermine Jewish confidence and certainty concerning the justice of the Jewish cause.
Here is one example of a story in the anthology read by Jewish students who are on the verge of entering the army in order to learn how to fight the Arab enemy. The story is called "The Land of the Sad Oranges," and was written by Asan Kanfani, born in Acre, Israel, from which he and other Arabs fled during the 1948 war that was launched by them to wipe out Israel. Kafani was active with the PLO in Lebanon and was killed by a car bomb there in 1972. In the story he describes the flight of his family from Acre to Lebanon in 1948. Consider the education of a Jewish high school student on the verge of his three-year military service. Consider how he will think about the Arabs he is being trained to fight:
"The women went down from the vehicles and walked over to a peasant sitting on the side of the road with a basket of oranges. My father put out his hand to get an orange. He looked at it silently and burst into tears like a baby. In Rosh Hanikra (near the Lebanese border) our car stopped. ... In my father's eyes there shone the memory of all the orange trees that he left for the Jews, all those good and healthy trees that he bought, one by one. The tears flowed down his cheeks. When we reached Sidon that evening, we became refugees."
What possible impression can this leave on the young Israeli who already suffers from ignorance? An emptiness of soul, a vacuum of ideology. How can he possibly not feel a sense of injustice, guilt (more!)? Who will give him the real story? The Jewish story and truth? Who will teach him the reality of Arab attacks, murder and rape against Jews throughout the 1920's and '30's and '40's? The reality of Arab armies and mobs screaming for the throwing of the Jews into the sea as they rejected the very idea of a Jewish State in 1948? Who will tear apart the tissue of Arab lies to tell Jewish youth that the orange groves would have remained along with their Arabs had the Arabs not attacked the Jews? Who will tell the Jewish youth that it was a Divine blessing that the Arabs fled and have them consider what would be our fate today had they not? Madness, madness.
The artists, the intellectuals, the destroyers of the Jewish State. Those who so desperately need their own private couch; those who drive us to the national one.
Other glimpses from the couch:

• The following is reprinted exactly as it appeared in Yediot
Aharonot, June 16, 1986:
"The State of Israel is paying National Insurance benefits to families of terrorists from East Jerusalem who are serving long prison sentences in Israeli prisons. From an investigation of the East Jerusalem branch of the National Insurance Institute, it emerges that the Institute is paying benefits to some 20 families of security prisoners (terrorists) who have been sentenced to tens of years imprisonment for terrorists attacks."
Only G-d or Freud would understand.
• And the following is reprinted exactly as it appeared in the
newspaper Haaretz in 1984:
"Rauma Weizman (wife of Israeli dove Ezer Weizman) served as a defender of her husband Ezer in an argument that he had with Arab youths. It was in the Arab villages of Baka al Garbia in the Triangle. The couple were guests at a wedding of Arab acquaintances and an argument broke out during which the youths accused Weizman, saying that, in his eyes, Arabs have no names, that he does not call his Arab gardner by his given name but talks about him as "the Arab." Weizman called his wife to testify that this was not so. "Rauma," he asked her, "what do I call the gardner?" Rauma testified for her husband that he calls him by his first name, Muhamad ..."
What is one supposed to do after reading this? Laugh? Weep? The former Minister of Defense of Israel, the former chief of the Israeli Air Force, pathetically attempting to justify himself in the eyes of a group of young Arabs who look upon him with contempt for even discussing the issue with them! Rauma, Rauma, tell them that I really love Arabs. Tell them how much I respect my gardner. Show them what imbeciles we are. . . .
• In October, 1985, Labor Knesset member Aharon Harel, one
of the most cooing of the Israeli doves, visited the Arab town of
Tulkarm, near Netanya. Harel is known as one of the most
violently anti-Kahane Knesset members because of Kahane's call
for the removal of Arabs from Israel. How fascinating, therefore,
for Harel to meet with the Arab mayor of Tulkarm who asked
him from where he came. "Poland," was the reply of the little
Jewish dove. "Then why do you not go back there, this is the land I of the Palestinians," said the Arab mayor.
The stricken Harel, who hates Jews who speak of Arabs leaving the country, was able to "understand" the Arab who wants Jews out but "chastised" him by saying: "I am a dove and if I hear you

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say such things what will the hawks say?"
• The hospitals and medical services of Israel are in deep crisis
due to budgetary problems. Many hospitals are on the verge of
closing down and all have made drastic cuts in their services. The
following letter appeared on June 29, 1984, in the Tel Aviv paper,
Ha'ir:
"Some time ago the military governor of Hebron appeared on television in an Arab broadcast to announce that a sizeable sum of money had been put into improving the Arab hospital in Hebron. And now another two million dollars had been set aside for a new wing. A similar project was completed in Gaza a few months ago. Despite this, we read about the financial problems of the Rothschild Hospital in Haifa which cannot run properly because of lack of funds.
"In the name of thousands of immigrants who came to Israel thinking they were settling in a Jewish state, I ask: When will we . stop streaming our limited funds to the welfare of an Arab population free of income tax, military service and even medical tax, and begin to rehabilitate the Jewish citizens of Israel?"
Obviously, the demented letter-writer (who is clearly a racist, too) does not understand that unless the Arabs of the territories feel satisfied, they will all hate Jews and join the PLO. Indeed, this is exactly what the Minister of Defense told the Knesset in July 1986. "Let the Arabs sit quietly," is the policy. And, indeed they do.
They sit quietly and buy up Jewish land and Jewish houses and subsidize agriculture and industry to compete with the Jews and destroy them economically. But the main thing is to let the Arabs sit quietly lest they become anti-Israel.
• On April 3, 1985, Chaim Herzog became the first President of
Israel to visit the Arab town of Um-Al-Faham. His visit was trum
peted as an answer to racism, to the effort of Knesset member
Meir Kahane to visit there half a year earlier in order to drama
tize the contradiction between Zionism and Arab aspirations. In
his visit, Herzog declared: "I see in this visit a challenge to the evil
spirit that carries on its wings the seeds of disaster, separation,
and hate." The President, son of the late revered Chief Rabbi,
had clearly proven why Kahane had referred to him by the
Talmudic maxim, "vinegar, son of wine."
Um-al-Faham, praised and flattered by Herzog as a model of coexistence and loyalty to Israel, had been chosen by Kahane with care. In the real world that Herzog rarely encounters outside his

posh residence, the town has a reputation for enmity to Israel that would not shame any pro-PLO area.
Thus, the Associated Press, carried the following dispatch in 1980: "Tel Aviv, Jan. 20: About 5,000 Arab soccer spectators shouting "Khomeini!" and "Down with Zionism!" stormed the field in Galilee where their team was playing a Jewish squad in a weekend game. . . .
" 'This is more than the usual sporting soccer riot,' said a police source. 'The Jewish players had to barricade themselves in their locker room for two hours while the Arabs tried to batter down the doors.'"
On September 4, 1980, the Arabs of Chaim Herzog's model Arab town rioted. The headline in Maariv the following day read:
STONES THROWN AT POLICE IN MASS DEMONSTRATION AT UM-AL-FAHAM
And on December 12, 1979, Maariv carried a long story about the attacks by Arabs of Um-Al-Faham and other villages in the Wadi Ara area on the lone Jewish settlement there, Mei Ami. Three fires, set by Arab arsonists, destroyed some 110 dunams of Jewish National Fund forests, and wholesale stealing of the settlement's agricultural equipment, led one of the settlers to say: "We have reached the end of our rope."
And an Arab attorney from Um-al-Faham, Herzog's choice, told the newspaper:
"The Arab villages in the Triangle are sitting on a volcano. Feelings of discrimination grow daily and with them hate and frustration."
The truth is that Um-al-Faham is a hotbed of Arab hatred of Zionism. It is a center of both the violently nationalist Sons of the Village Movement as well as Khomeini-type fundamentalist Moslem groups. Only the Arabs of Um-al-Faham know how much more Meir Kahane understands them than does the Presidential Vinegar Son of Wine.
• One can debate the merits or demerits of Peace Now endlessly and so it would appear that the best answer to the question, "Is Peace Now good for the Jews?", is to quote this unsolicited praise for the group by Ibrahim Tawil. Tawil is the former mayor of El-Bireh, the sister town of Ramallah just north of Jerusalem. Tawil, stridently pro-PLO, was deposed by Israel because of his membership in the PLO-front group, the National Guidance Committee. In an interview, and after blasting "Jewish control of Congress,

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the [U.S.] newspapers, the business world and the election system," as well as declaring that no Jews would be permitted to live in the Palestine state he demands on the West Bank, Tawil declared:
"I hope that Peace Now will grow in size and stature, because its activities will hasten the rise of an independent Palestinian state." No greater exhibit could the opponents of Peace Now ever present. If Tawil praises Peace Now, let all normal Jews turn quickly in the other direction.
• And the entire question of the slow Arab takeover of Israel, through money.
In September, 1986, a Turkish synagogue in Istanbul was attacked by Arab terrorists. The world was shocked. In June of 1986 another Turkish synagogue did not make headlines. In June of 1986 the Turkish synagogue building on Yefet Street in Jaffa Israel was sold. The buyers belonged to a group specializing in buying Jewish property in Jaffa, by offering more than the market value of the property and paying cold cash. And more. The group that is buying these homes is an open supporter of the PLO. This is what the Israeli newspaper Hatzofe wrote (June 27, 1986):
"Those who brought the synagogue for 'full value' did not hide the fact that they work within the framework of a group that is buying the buildings of Jews living in Jaffa. 'Jaffa was conquered with fire (by the Jews) and will be redeemed with money,' is the slogan of the group whose purpose is to remove the Jews from Jaffa. This is what one of the elders of the Christian community told a reporter from Hatzofe. The informant's name is in the paper's files. According to him, the group's method is to purchase the building of a Jew, even at high cost, and then let Arabs, mostly from Gaza, live there. The source of the funds are Libya and Saudi Arabia."
Since most people do not understand the full gravity of the situation, let it be understood that Jaffa was an all-Arab city until 1948 and was included in the original Arab state as envisaged by the United Nations Partition Plan of 1947. When the Arab rejected that and attacked the Jews in bordering Tel Aviv, members of the Irgun Zvai Leumi and Sternists routed the Arabs, who fled in panic. Jaffa was the largest Arab city in the country at the time (some 80,000 people), and they fled to Gaza. For years, clever Arabs who have come to be known as "moderates" have advocated "recognizing Israel" if she agrees to comply with ALL

the U.N. Resolutions, including the "return" of the by-now more than two million refugees who fled the Jewish State when their hopes to destroy it were thwarted. Obviously, such a thing would spell the end of the Jewish State, first by demography and then by pogroms, and Israel has rejected any such concept out of hand.
But the clever Arabs, by buying up Jewish houses in Jaffa and moving in precisely those Jaffa Arabs who fled to Gaza, are creating exactly that political fact which will be a precedent for the demand of the Arabs and the United Nations for a return of all the others. Insanity, sheer madness.
But there is more.
It is not only in Jaffa and other cities that the PLO and Arab states such as Jordan and Saudi Arabia are so cleverly buying up Jewish homes and turning the cities into de facto Arab ones. In a brilliant emulation of the original idea that was created by the Jews in the early days of Zionism to buy up Arab land, the Jewish National Fund, the Arabs have created a similar, huge reserve which could easily be called the Palestine National Fund. And, indeed, that is exactly what former Knesset member Ra'anan Na'im (Labor) said to the Israeli weekly Yoman Ha'Sha'vu'a (October 29, 1982):
"It is very worrisome to learn that in various places in the Galilee, such as Upper Nazareth and Carmiel (set up deliberately as Jewish enclaves in the midst of Arab centers of population), the Arabs are acquiring land, property, homes and stores from Jewish residents. It is as if there is an Ishmaelite National Fund organization to acquire lands and Jewish property just as once the Jewish National Fund did. . . .
"I suspect that we are speaking here of an organized acquisition of lands behind which stand wealthy Arab countries such as Kuwait, and even the PLO."
Let us understand what is happening here. The ownership of the land in the Land of Israel has always been understood as the foundation of the Jewish State. Indeed, within the by-laws of the Jewish National Fund it is clearly stated that public lands, i.e., those in the name of the Jewish National Fund, cannot be sold or leased to non-Jews. (This in turn, is a limited secular underlining of the Torah ruling that land cannot be sold to gentiles in the Holy Land.) The symbolism in the ownership of the land by Jews Was always a clear one.
It is this that must be understood when reading the following item that appeared in Maariv (January 6, 1984), under the head-

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ing, "The Arabs Are Buying the Lands of Israel":
"The farmer from Hadera (a city in the heartland of Jewish agriculture) apparently could not withstand the temptation. A. T., an Arab businessman, offered him the highest price for his 40 dunams of land. Kibbutz Gan Shmuel was also interested, but the price offered by A.T. was higher. The orchard was sold to an Arab.
"One of the Hadera farmers described the incident in these words: 'It is betrayal. There has never yet been such a thing as Jewish land sold to an Arab. If a veteran grower, from the first settlers of Hadera, can sell his orchard, there should be a thousand red lights in our minds. Without Jewish agriculture, the state is not a state.' "
It is not an isolated phenomenon. Nothing legal prevents Israeli Jews from selling their privately owned lands to Arabs, but such a thing was unheard of in the past, for many reason: First, the national obligation to have Jewish ownership of the land in the Jewish State. Second, in the early years of Jewish Pioneers, Arabs were eager to make profits by selling land to the Jews. Their children, educated in Israeli schools, are fierce nationalists who not only will not sell their land but, prodded by PLO and other Arab nationalist forces, see in the purchase of Jewish land not only a good private profit deal, but also an act of Arab nationalism. Third, and this speaks volumes for the insanity of Israel, the Arabs today have money, large amounts, that Jews do not, in part because of the funds from the PLO and Arab states that come to them unhindered. But also because of the scandalous failure on the part of the Arab sector in Israel to pay anywhere remotely near its taxes and the absolute freedom of Arabs of the territories from Israeli taxes. Israeli Arabs cheat and laugh at the authorities who hesitate to move into Arab villages because of mass organized violence and also because of an Israeli government policy of overlooking Arab "pecadillos" following the mad concept of "let them sit quietly." They do, and gather up huge funds, to buy up Israel.
And so, in yet another article in Maariv (February 15, 1985), under the heading "The Baron Rothschild Turns Over In His Grave," Aharon Dolev deals with the growing plague of Arab purchase of Jewish land in Kfar Tavor where, back in the late nineteenth century, the wealthy Baron Edmund de Rothschild purchased and gave land to Jews returning to the Land. Says veteran resident of Kfar Tavor, 63-year-old Yehuda Cohen:
"Believe me, the Baron turns over in his grave. Not only the

Baron. My grandfather and father. Ben-Gurion and even Yigal Alon, who was born in Kfar Tavor. . . .
"Did we receive the land in order to sell it to Arabs who want to destroy the State of Israel? We have already heard that the Arabs are buying Jewish land with Saudi money. The 'birds' in the Arab villages are chirping and even the Arabs who work in the village have told me that."
On February 7, 1985, Haaretz carried a front-page story quoting the head of the Kfar Tavor council, Micah Goldman. Gold-, man is a veteran Labor Party member, and the story begins as follows:
"For the first time, there appears to be a trend in the Galilee of Jews selling their lands to Arabs. Four residents of Kfar Tavor in the Eastern Galilee have received down payments for sale of their land to Arabs. Micah Goldman, head of the council, invited the sellers last Friday to meet with him in an effort to dissuade them." I cannot, at this point, in addition to emphasizing my total agreement with Goldman that this is a national tragedy, help pointing out the incredible insanity and hypocrisy in his words, the words of a man who condemns Kahane for "racism:"
"It is worrisome and serious and we must uproot the phenomenon of land sales immediately. I believe that we can coexist with the Arabs living in an Arab village and the Jews in a Jewish one. Each of us must keep his own nationality."
And fanatical anti-Kahane writer Gavriel Shtrasman writes in Maariv (February 10, 1985):
"In addition to the violence of Arabs against Jews, they have now increased their acquisition of lands from Jews in the land of Israel. It is truly unbelievable. A dunam and another dunam, but this time it is not Israel but Ishmael who follows the time-tested pattern. The thought that Jews in Eretz Yisrael and especially in the Galilee, which already has more Arabs than Jews, should sell land to the Arabs is astonishing, and one simply cannot believe it. ...
"Let there be no misunderstandings. I do not protest against these deals on the grounds of racism. I protest on the grounds of pure nationalism of which I am not ashamed."
I sit back and smile. With tears in my eyes for the confused hypocrites of Israel. When Kahane says these things, he is a racist. When Goldman and Shtrasman say them, they are nationalists. Perhaps Kahane is also a nationalist?
It remains for the self-hating but uninhibited Dan Ben Amotz

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to prick the bubble of hypocrisy:
"I don't understand something. If all our citizens are really equal before the law with no difference in religion, nationality, sex or race, as stated in the Declaration of Independence, and if this is really a democratic state, perhaps you can explain to me why a Jewish citizen cannot sell his private land to a citizen whose mother is, by chance, not Jewish" (Hadashot, February 15, 1985).
Of course, my answer is clear. In a Jewish State, in a Zionist Jewish State, Jews and non-Jews are not equal in national areas of life. But Ben Amotz the self-hater who disagrees with that, asks the anti-Kahane Zionist democrats a question that they, in their schizophrenic minds, cannot answer.
Any more than they could explain their objections to the Kach demand in the Jewish town of Kiryat Arba in Judea for Jewish labor only. When a furor arose and I asked in the Knesset how many Arabs worked in the Knesset, in any capacity (none), and stated that any Arab Knesset member, losing his seat, would not be hired as a waiter in the Knesset dining room, there was, of course, no response. How could there be? And when I asked why, in the 1930's, the Histradut fought violently against Jewish employers who hired Arabs instead of Jewish workers and why the Hebrew national poet Chaim Nachman Bialik came out against hiring Arabs and why former Finance Minister Finchas Sapir, as a young Laborite activist, went to prison for protesting this in Kfar Saba, again, there was no reply. It is amazing how those who are so blessed with active mouths are so often stricken dumb.
Jews sell their lands to Arabs in the State of Israel and Jews are now selling land they just acquired in Judea and Samaria to Arabs also. In a story, "Jews Selling Land in Judea-Samaria to Arabs" (Hadashot, December 31, 1984), the subheading reads:
"A subsidiary of the Ya'eh Yakir company seeking to sell 1500 dunams of land near Elkana (in Samaria) to Arabs from Judea-Samaria who brought money from Jordan."
It is an unbelievable story. The Jews of Israel, weighed down by insane and burdensome taxes and strangling bureaucracy, are losing money as their farmers and moshavim (agricultural villages) go bankrupt, while the Arabs of both Israel and the territories, free of such nuisances as taxes and regulations, grow rich, and buy up Jewish land. Arabs from the territories who, until the Jews came, were backward, poverty stricken people who counted themselves fortunate if they owned two donkeys!
And so we read in Haaretz (November 22, 1984):

"Representatives of an Arab land dealer, Mahmud Lafit, have been in contact recently with two veteran farmers from Zichron Ya'kov as well as land owners in Hadera and Binyamina with a proposal to purchase from them hundreds of dunams of private agricultural land. Lafit, according to his associates, is now in Jordan. ..."
The paper adds that a Jewish group which offered to buy the land could not meet the Arab's price, which was four times higher than the best Jewish one. Where does an Arab land dealer get that money?
"According to his associates, he is now in Jordan. ..." And the Jewish settlement of Ma'suah in the Jordan Valley, on the verge of bankruptcy, is offered a deal by an Arab from Jericho. I quote Davar (May 25, 1986):
"A few days ago a merchant from Jericho offered members of moshav Ma'suah to cover the $10 million dollar debt of the moshav(!) in return for the right to use their land and the water rights."
Mind boggling! Ten million dollars! How does an Arab from Jericho get that money? Of course, from Jordan, Saudi Arabia, the PLO, the Ishmaelite National Fund. . . . And we know about it, the government, the military administration in the territories —and do nothing.
The newspaper Hadashot (August 8, 1984) writes: "Some $400 million(!) has been transferred by the PLO to the territories (Judea, Samaria, Gaza) between the years 1979-83. This emerged from a document to the Joint PLO-Jordanian Committee published in the East Jerusalem paper Almatak."
A national couch? Order instead a psychological storeroom for a Jewish people that has clearly lost its mind. This money, which comes in freely, subsidizes the Arabs, enabling them to buy Jewish land and houses, to undercut Jewish prices and drive Jews out of business as they cannot meet the Arab competition, to fan the flames of inflation and to destroy Israel economically.
An Israeli government allows the PLO and other Arab funds to subsidize the Arabs while it creates the condition where the Arabs of the territories are free of taxes, free of the need to get permits and free of all regulations that hamper the Jews. And so, in its special business section, Maariv writes the following:
"The competition is difficult, destructive, in many cases hurting Israel industry. The source of the competition: Judea, Samaria, Gaza. 'Unfair competition' is what the industrialists in Israel call

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it and they refer to the fact that the factories on the other side of the "Green Line" (in the territories), are not tied by Israeli law, do not have to meet Israeli standards, do not pay taxes, do not need permits and do not recognize the standards of the Ministry of Health.
"'The scope of our industry has dropped by 60%,' says Motty Chaimvoitz of Kibbutz Zikim. 'The competition is not fair. They do not pay comprehensive pensions, do not pay urban taxes. They sell without receipts and do not pay the (15%) Value-Added-Tax at all. And who speaks about the army duty we have to serve each year. . . ?'"
Yet another Jew says: "Their merchandise already comprises 30% of the market." The article gloomily states:
"The industrialists are stunned, the government looks away. The problem is complex, politically and economically. The only thing being done is hiding our head in the sand."
And Arab subsidies and insane Israeli policy lead to the slow death of Jewish agriculture.
" 'Agricultural exports have dropped in half in the last three years, from $840 million to $480 million,' the head of the Farmers' Federation, Eliyahu Isaacson, said yesterday at a press conference in Tel Aviv." (Haaretz, Dec. 11, 1984).
And so as Jewish agricultural settlements close down and Jews flee them in the hope of eventually fleeing Israel, we read in Davar (March 21, 1986):
ECONOMIC GROWTH AND BUILDING SPREE IN THE GAZA STRIP
And Yediot Aharonot (May 4, 1986):
"Hundreds of citrus grove owners 0ewish) are threatening to sell their products to merchants from Gaza. The grove owners are attempting to get out from under the control of the Council for Citrus Marketing which controls the industry and they argue that the Gaza merchants offer them prices much higher than those of the Council."
Madness. The moshavim of the Negev, bankrupt, are forced now to break the law and rent their land to Arabs. Thus writes Davar (December 16, 1985):
"Some 40% [!] of the agricultural settlements in the Negev lease their lands, the agricultural products and the water rights to Arabs from the Gaza Strip, for 'good money,' mostly in foreign currency." And the Jews? Their madness knows no bounds. The

Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs (September 4, 1983) issues the following chorus of joy to the press in a "briefing" to the gentiles:
"While the world focuses on daily events in Judea-Samaria, it has devoted little attention to the quiet drama unfolding in the region; a steadily growing economy resulting in increased prosperity for its inhabitants.
"While the big industrialized nations worry about high unemployment, the people of this region enjoy full employment. The per capita Gross National Product of the population of Judea-Samaria has increased by 8.8% per year since 1970. This success can be attributed in large measure to the 'green revolution,' a reformed economy based on agricultural development. The successful utilization of modern technologies is the direct and indirect result of contacts with Israel since 1967."
And the Jewish farmer drowns in the mud of debts and bankruptcy brought on by Arab competition that is maintained by Israeli development and aid to the Arabs and by the PLO funds that Israel allows to enter the territories to subsidize them.
Maariv, in November 1985, carried an incredible story detailing Arab control of the agricultural market in Israel through Jordanian directives and Jordanian funds. The article reads:
"Five weeks ago, after the gang of murderers from the (Judean) village of Tzoref (who murdered a Jewish couple near Beit Shemesh) was captured, Maariv writer, Avinoam Bar Yosef, went to the territories to retrace the steps of the five gang members. It appears that some of the members were employed by Jews in Beit Shemesh and Tel Aviv. The article disclosed that Cafe Stern in Tel Aviv belongs to a Jewish and Arab partner from Tzoref, a brother of the head of the gang. The discovery led to this expose. . . .
"Thus, for example, it turned out that three merchants from the Gaza Strip were the deciding factor in the rise in the price of tomatoes a short while ago. State lands are leased to Arabs in violation of the law. They do with the produce what they wish and direct their activities according to the needs of Jordan, without any connection to Israeli agriculture. Respectable Israelis, among them former senior officers in the armed forces, are partners in these Arab dealings. . . .
"In the Ministry of Agriculture, they confirm these facts. Hillel Adiri, the special advisor to the Minister of Agriculture, says: 'Most of the vegetable produce in the State of Israel is today in the hands of the Arabs from the territories. Most of the agricul-

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tural land in the south is in the hands of Arabs from Gaza. The Pituach Shalom area, for example, is a sad story. It was once a glorious export area but the economic crisis broke the people there. Arabs came with suitcases filled with dollars and Jordanian dinars. The Jews, on the verge of despair, could not withstand the temptation and sold them rights to the land.'"
Of course this is illegal. And of course the government does nothing. Of course these huge amounts of funds come from Jordan, Saudi and Kuwait, and the government does nothing. In October, 1984, Maariv writes: "Saudi Arabia, with the aid of the United States, is transferring funds to the occupied territories [sic] to cover debts and to carry out development plans. ..."
Jordan, in blatant plans to ensure that the Arabs remain in the territories, subsidizes the building of houses, some magnificent ones. On December 2, 1984, Hadashot carried the following story:
"Whoever drives along the narrow road that goes down from the hills of Ramallah (in Samaria), sees blocks of new buildings peeping out from the olive trees. The first thought is—Jewish settlers. But approaching closer one sees that this is not so. Right and left, for kilometers, stand buildings empty of people. . . ."
And why are these Arab buildings empty, and why were they built? An Arab explains:
"Anyone who has land gets a permit to build from the military government, then sends a request and receives 7,000 dinar (almost $20,000) from Jordan. Thus the land costs him nothing. The money comes in installments. When he lays the foundation, he photographs it and sends the photo to Jordan. He then gets the next installment. When he puts up the roof, he gets the next installment. Hussein is not so stupid."
Stupid? Would that Israel be that stupid. . . .
The article continues:
"Why do the buildings stand empty? 'Most of the people have no money aside from the aid from Jordan. . . .'
"Pinchas Valerstein (Jewish), head of the Benjamin Regional Council says that the idea of the housing lies in the desire to seize the lands west of Ramalla in order to prevent the setting up there of Jewish settlements."
And, of course, to insure that the Arab will stay in the Land of Israel. And the Israeli government? The newspaper concludes:
"In the civil administration (of the territories) no one is upset. The housing was built on private property and there is nothing

we can do to prevent their going up. . . ." Of course not. Israel cannot order the end to Jordanian money arriving in the territories. Of course not. And so, life is made easy for the Arabs, thanks to Arab states. Thanks to Jews. While young Jewish couples without funds are forced to live with their parents in crowded apartments, the Jerusalem Post (July 27, 1984) informs us: "The joint Jordanian-PLO coordination committee has decided to renew the allocation of housing loans to East Jerusalem. ..."
There is no better way to comprehend the extent of Arab control over the key agricultural segment of the Israeli economy, thanks to the madness of the Israeli government, than to study "the case of the expensive tomatoes."
In October 1985, the price of tomatoes in Israel suddenly leaped to 3,000 shekel a kilogram, an incredible rise in price. Maariv explains:
"Economists rubbed their eyes in astonishment; journalists did not understand what was happening, people had to remove the tomatoes from the salad. The answer to the puzzle lay in great measure in the hands of three people — Tzalach al Mati from Gaza, Natzer Anushina from Gaza, and Salman Razk al Atar of Rafiah (in the Gaza Strip). These three are the "barons" of Israeli agriculture in the south of the country. The lands are registered, it is true, in the names of Jews, but control of the growth, the harvest, the transportation and the marketing is in the hands of these three and their families. In the last tomato crises they proved, too, that the price is also, in great measure, set by them.
"The crisis began with a virus that attacked tomatoes in the Arava area, causing a shortage. All eyes now turned to Pitchat Shalom, which was once a center for export. Today the Jews there grow villas a la Dallas and the Arabs grow tomatoes. When the shortage came about, the Arab merchants proved their expertise in the game. The cheap tomatoes, of second- or third-grade quality, they sold in the Gaza and Rafah market. The top-grade ones reached the Tel Aviv marketplace with frustrating slowness and with startling prices. The Jews who had sold the produce before the crisis, held their heads. But it was too late. In Rafiah and Gaza new wealth was born."
Fear of world opinion and a mad Jewish policy of thinking that a happy Arab is a quiet and good Arab has given birth to a policy that allows Arab money to come into the country and subsidize competition that destroys Jews. The same policy leads to a condition under which Arabs who do not pay taxes or acquire permits

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can easily undercut competition. Is it any wonder that more and more stalls in the Jewish marketplaces are sold or leased to Arabs who can sell their produce well below the prices of their harried Jewish competitors?
And still, the madness goes on. Indeed, it increases.
Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin rises in the Knesset, announces his support for the establishment of a Palestinian bank in the city of Shechem. Now, it is clear that the bank will be under the thumb of our enemies and will serve as an important conduit for huge amounts of Arab funds arriving from Jordan, Saudi Arabia and all over the world for the purposes of establishing an economic infrastructure for the new Palestine state. It is also evident that much of the money that comes in will go to subsidize Arabs who wreck the Israeli economy by charging severely lower prices than Jews for contracting work, for produce, for production. Not only will Jewish business people be wiped out but the money will also go to purchase Jewish apartments and houses in Jewish cities at twice the going price in order to tempt the Jews to sell. Jaffa and Acre and Lydda and Ramie and Upper Nazareth will become Arab cities during the course of the purchase of the Jewish State.
The Palestine Bank of Shechem will be the underpinnings of the Arab National Fund, the modern-day reply to the little blue-white box Jews knew in their childhood. But in this case, it will not be nickels and dimes but billions of dollars that will go to destroy the Jewish State, collected cleverly and with sophistication. Rabin's Arab bank will be the greatest weapon in the establishing of the Arab West Bank state on the west bank. It will be the financial heart of the new Palestine state; you can bank on that.
No matter. Rabin and all the other Rabins of the Jewish world are convinced that it is imperative to buy the Arab's heart in order that, through economic advantage, he will forget his desire for a state of his own, his anger at what he calls the Jewish "occupation" of his land, his national self-esteem. The mind of the Jewish liberals and leftists who believe that one can buy the Arab's national pride through giving him indoor toilets, television sets and banks. The liberal, the liberal. He never changes. You can bank on that.
And on and on it goes. As economic depression threatens to wreck the Israeli economy, a band of American Jews with Israeli and U.S. Government blessing decides to join with American Arabs to help buy it even sooner. In the finest tradition of Jewish

masochism, guilt and love-thine-enemy, American Jewish liberals have joined in the indoor brigade to uplift the poor suffering Arabs, and are raising millions of dollars to invest in Judea and Samaria in order to enrich the lives of our Arab friends there.
The names of the Jewish capitalist members of JAM (Jewish Association of Masochists) who are preparing to build the factories for Arabs that they do not build for Jews, and which will compete with Israeli Jews and put them out of business, include some of the famous and wealthy: Howard Squadron, former head of the American Jewish Congress and chairman of the President's Conference; Philip Klutznick, former head of the World Jewish Congress; Lester Crown of Chicago, general director of General Dynamics; wealthy Syrian Jewish financier Steve Shalom (whose saintly, philanthropic late father would turn over in his grave); Henry Kaufman, the Wall Street economist; real estate magnate Lawrence Tisch; Alfred Moses of the anti-Defamation League and Jewish aide to Jimmy Carter; Arnold Foster, former head of the ADL; Edith and Henry Everetz, active in the UJA; and many others. This group of Jews is driven by a double demon. Not only are they believers in the contemptuous theory of "buy that Arab," but they are driven by liberal guilt and self-hate and obsessive need to "compensate" for perceived injustices to the oppressed "Palestinian." They are a sick lot, but they will plunge blindly on in their effort to improve the economy of the Arabs who hate and dream of destroying Israel, even as the poor Sephardi Jews of the development towns and the poverty-stricken urban neighborhoods sink deeper and deeper into the economic morass of collapse.
They are the patricians of Jewish masochism but they are joined by the pathetic faceless young Jewish liberals and leftists who babble in inexplicable guilt, in a manner that delights but confounds the Arabs who would kill them tomorrow if they could. They are represented by the student at the University of Rochester who, in response to my statement that "it is better to be a winner than a loser," cried out angrily: "That is a fascist statement!" One can see them in the person of the Israeli female student at UCLA who is famed for her love of Arabs, and who protested against attacks on the "freedom fighters of the PLO."
The Bank of Shechem is only one more example of Jewish masochistic insanity and contempt for Arabs. It is only one more link in a chain that wraps itself around the necks of the Jewish guilty, the chain of selbsthas, self-hate. It is a thing of sickness, but of permanent sickness. As long as the disturbed Jewish liberal

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and self-hater exists, there will be a bank in Shechem to create the financial infrastructure for a "Palestine" that will attempt to destroy Israel. As long as Arabs exist to attempt to kill Jews, the Jewish liberals will be there to attempt to buy them, to apologize to them. You can bank on that.
And the Arabs, seeing the kind of lemming of the Mosaic persuasion with whom they can deal, go further. Jewish trepidation and timidity have always bred Arab contempt and gall. And so, despite the fact that in order to build a house or even add to an already built one, citizens of Israel must ask for permits which are as difficult to obtain from the bureaucrats as the proverbial splitting of the Red Sea, Arabs have no problem. They simply do not ask.
And so in the Galilee, more than 8,000 buildings in the Arab sector were built illegally over the years. Eight thousand. Court orders were issued to knock them down. Enter Ezer Weizman, husband of Rauma, friend of Muhamad the gardner. Patron of the Arabs. Shocked, not by the 8,000 examples of Arab contempt for the law, but by the news that the court had ordered that the illegal structures be knocked down, the Israeli sheik of Araby hastened to intercede with Prime Minister Shimon Peres. The Prime Minister and Weizman thereupon moved to interfere with a court process, with judicial orders, and told the police not to implement the directives of the courts, not to knock down any illegal Arab buildings until a committee that would be set up could "study" the matter. And thus, on February 7, 1986, Minister of Police, Chaim Bar Lev, told the press:
"I have issued an order to the police not to assist in the demolition of buildings in the Arab sector. The order went out after agreement with the Prime Minister and the ministers involved."
Oh, to be an Arab and not a Jewish soldier named Ephraim Cohen Tzemach or his new wife, Orly! They are not Arabs; they do not live in an Arab village in the Galilee. They are only Jews in the slum area of Ezra, in Tel Aviv. Ephraim lived for years in a three-room apartment with his parents and his brothers and sisters. Hoping to marry, the soldier decided to build a second story over the small house of his parents. For one and a half years, every day after work, Ephraim would come home and spend every waking hour building with his own hands the one story for himself and his new wife. It was finally built. Ephraim married Orly. Four days later, while Ephraim was at work, the police arrived, with Border Police to put down any resistance and five Arab

workers from the municipality of Tel Aviv, and destroyed the entire second story!
When Peres and Weizman defied the courts and arbitrarily ordered that illegally built Arab homes not be knocked down, Justice Minister Moshe Nissim said: "Ministers have contempt for the law." Worse, they have contempt for the Jewish State. And themselves as Jews.
And of course only G-d and Freud can understand the complex terror of Jews in stating what they truly believe and fear about Arabs. Consider this fascinating piece of abnormal psychology in the Knesset in November, 1985, concerning the sale of land by Tews to Arabs. The motion was raised by Likud Knesset member Benny Shalita and responding was Minister of Agriculture, Aryeh Nachamkin:
NACHAMKIN: We have to gather every shekel and establish a public fund to buy every dunam of land up for sale.
SHALITA: But outside foreign forces offer much more.
At this point Abdal Darwasha, an Arab labor party member of Knesset, interrupted:
DARWASHA: Mr. Minister, are the Arabs of Israel a foreign factor?
NACHAMKIN: I didn't say that.
DARWASHA: Shalita did.
SHALITA: I didn't say that.
DARWASHA: You did.
SHALITA: Did you hear the word "Arab" on my lips?
DARWASHA: But you meant it.
SHALITA: I never said "Arab."
DARWASHA: I read your thoughts.
Now, of course, Shalita meant Arabs and Nahamkin was calling for a Jewish fund to buy up the land for sale before Arabs did, and the whole debate was over Arabs buying land from Jews. But neither the cabinet minister nor the Knesset member dared to say the word "Arab," which was the key to the whole problem. Only G-d or Freud . . .

PART IV
JUDAISM VERSUS WESTERN DEMOCRACY
"For My thoughts are not your thoughts, neither are your ways My ways, saith the L-rd. For as the heavens are higher than the earth, so are My ways higher than your ways ..." (Isaiah 55)
Chapter 10
Jews and Gentiles
Terror awakens in the Jew at the terrible thought — and subconscious realization —that liberal democracy is not only incompatible with Zionism, but with the very bone of his bones, flesh of his flesh, the very Judaism that is his religion and tradition, his basic Certificate of Identity.
But before we can even consider the relationship between Judaism and liberal democracy, it is imperative to define what we mean by "Judaism." Indeed, most of the problems that arise in the entire debate over "Kahanism" originate in the lack of defined terras, a situation which is mostly a deliberate effort on the part of Jewish leaders too terrified to debate clearly and concretely and who thus resort not only to personal smears but to definitive fraud.
Judaism. In order to decide what it is, we must first firmly and clearly define what it is not, what it cannot be. If we wish to speak about "Judaism," it cannot be the intellectual creation of

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man, the product of the intellectual meanderings of the people. That is surely philosophy, and, indeed, given the subject matter of G-d, it may even be the philosophy of religion, but religion it is not; Judaism it is not.
Religion, and in this case Judaism, can only be defined as the product of Divine Revelation or it has no meaning in any debate against "Kahanism." If Judaism is merely the product and result of the intellectual thought processes of men, no matter how clever or incisive, it is but sham and fraud to wheel it out in the battle against "Kahanism" and triumphantly shout: "You see; Judaism differs with Kahane!"
If "Judaism" is merely the ideas of other people, human and finite, what relevance does it have to absolute truth and the defeat of "Kahanism" in the marketplace of ideas? If a Jewish thinker differs with Kahane, who is to say that he or his is any greater in mind or theory than Kahane or "Kahanism"? The only intellectually honest use of the weapon of "Judaism" against "Kahanism" is when the one wielding that weapon of Judaism believes that it rests upon Divine, hence omniscient, law. That automatically excludes the Reform and Conservative religious movements and their spokespersons who do not recognize Torah and Talmud, Written and Oral Jewish Law, as being Divine, as being the literal word of G-d and His direct laws. Let us, therefore, simply ignore the deceit and hypocrisy of Jewish leaders —religious or lay—who, themselves, do not believe Judaism to be Divine but who hypocritically wave its flag against Kahane. Of such did the Jewish King Alexander Yannai speak when he advised: "Fear neither the Pharisees nor the Saducees, fear rather the hypocrites. ..."
Reform and Conservative leaders simply have no moral right to participate in this debate on religious grounds. They are not relevant to the question of Kahanism and Judaism, since their "Judaism" is nothing more than a potpourri of human, finite, personal choices and thoughts. When Reform Rabbi Cohen who does not recognize the Divinity of Judaism speaks, he is not speaking about Judaism. He is expressing "Cohenism" and what makes his personal "Cohenism" more Jewish than "Kahanism"? And when Reform chief Alexander Schindler emotes on "Judaism" he is really speaking about "Schindlerism" and it behooves him to admit it rather than intellectually defraud Jews. Far better an honest Schindler than a dishonest swindler. The "rabbi" who does not accept the Divine authority of the Bible via-a-vis the Sabbath

or kosher food or ritual purity, reaches the height of arrogant chutzpaism (gall), when he then quotes an "ethical" verse in the same Bible whose other verses he rejected a dozen times over when he "disagreed" with it.
The truth is that Reform and Conservative rabbis are paragons of ignorance whose greatest blessing is the fact that their congregations are Jews who know even less than they. The Jewish congregational sheep, so empty of any basic Jewish knowledge, look upon the rabbinical donkeys who lead them and see "scholars." Heaven help us! The reality is "rabbis" who know less than orthodox yeshiva students in high school. "Rabbis" who are truly abysmally ignorant of basic Judaism, who could not open a tractate of the Talmud to any page and calmly and surely understand what is says. Their ignorance combines with a stupefying arrogance that flaunts their lack of knowledge before the congregation in the sure knowledge that the mesmerized ignoramuses will not understand the charade being played out before them.
It is these ignoramuses in the form of rabbis who have the chutzpah to talk about "Judaism." Aside from their refusal to accept Judaism as the Divine, literal word of G-d, they have not more than the barest idea of what Judaism really says. And if they did, they would reject it! How dare these shallow empty vessels twist, pervert and corrupt Judaism, especially in those areas in which the very lives of millions of Jews is at stake!
And if this is true for rabbinical fraud how much more so for the Jewish lay leaders in their irrelevance to "Judaism." The Vessels of ignorance of the B'nai B'rith or American Jewish Congress (or Committee) or Hadassah would not know a Jewish value or concept if they tripped over one. If we wish to honestly debate the relationship between Judaism and "Kahanism," between Judaism and liberal democracy, it can only be on the basis of knowledge and scholarship, a thing that eliminates the overwhelming majority of Jewish leaders. And it can only be based on the honesty of a Judaism given at Sinai, as Divine, Absolute truth. Anything else not only has no relevance to whether Kahanism is "Jewish" or not, it merely opens the even more terrifying can of worms —the question: Why be Jewish at all, when one can be a moral human being?
And so, for the sake of the Jewish people, it is time to speak about the ignorance, the perversion, the corruption, the counterfeiting of Judaism. It is more than time to bring down what Judaism really says about Jews and non-Jews, about the status of both

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in the world, about the concept of Israel as a special chosen people and the place of a non-Jew within the Jewish State, about the contradictions between basic Judaism and basic western democracy and liberalism. It is time that the average Jew knew who leads him, what incredibly shallow and ignorant people they are; what the truth of Judaism really is and how far from that truth are the comfortable pulpiteers and feudal barons who run and run down the Jewish communities of the world. So that never again will they dare to raise the flag of "Judaism" in the service of their perverted schizophrenic Hellenism and gentilized concepts, it is time to instill terror into their hearts.
Jewish terror grows, is magnified beyond endurance, at the realization of the profound, immense, unbridgeable differences between the Judaism to which the Jew pays lip service and the liberal western values before which he prostrates himself and to which he is so keenly committed.
He will do anything—this schizophrenic, pathetic creature from an over-two-millenia Exile —to deny it. He will climb the highest mountain, ford the deepest river, burrow into the deepest of depths, to escape the awful truth and realization that his heritage, his Judaism, his umbilical cord on the one hand, and his real beliefs in western values, his unbiblical cord on the other, are, in the words of Psalmist, "as the heaven is high above the earth . . . as far as the east is from the west." The thought is so agonizing, the implications so horrifying, that he must shut it from his ears or shut up those whose dinning of it given him no peace. But, of course, it avails him nothing: "Whither shall I go from Thy spirit or whither shall I flee from Thy Presence? If I ascend up into heaven, Thou are there; if I make my bed in hell, behold, Thou art there."
How numerous and how profound are the differences between the Torah of the Jew and the civilization of the gentile! Let me count the ways.
The liberal west speaks of the rule of democracy, of the authority of the majority, while Judaism speaks of the Divine truth that is immutable and not subject to the ballot box, or to majority error.
The liberal west speaks of the absolute equality of all peoples while Judaism speaks of spiritual status, of the chosenness of the Jew from and above all other people, of the special and exclusive relationship between G-d and Israel.
The liberal west speaks of subjective truth, of no one being able

to claim or to know what is absolute truth, while Judaism speaks of objective, eternal truth that is known, having been given by G-d at Sinai.
The liberal west speaks of freedom and the right of all people to live their lives as they see fit as long as they do not harm others, while Judaism declares that there is no such thing as "victimless crime," since the sinner becomes, himself, a victim and the very act of not following G-d's law will bring down punishment and harm to all.
The liberal west speaks of tolerance and the obligation to respect all views regardless of their rightness or wrongness, while Judaism demands that the Jew choose truth and the path of right and not tolerate evil in his midst. And so the homosexual, the prostitute, the abortionist, the addict are not permitted the tolerance of living their own lives as they see fit, for Judaism is not a certificate of license, but of obligation.
The liberal west speaks of the purpose of life in the attainment of joy, happiness, and man's desires and fulfillment as he sees it, while Judaism sets down for man what his fulfillment is and what his goal in life should be.
The liberal west categorically negates certain concepts —i.e., vengeance, hate and violence — almost a priori, while Judaism speaks of "a time to love and a time to hate, a time for war and a time for peace," with the need and commandment to love the good and hate evil, to seek peace but to go to war against the wicked, with vengeance, at the proper time, an obligation, in order to show that there is a Judge and there is justice in the world.
The liberal west speaks of the most important thing being life itself and thus moves easily into a concept of better anything than dead, while Judaism speaks of the quality of life, with the yardstick being the doing of G-d's will in life and the commandment being to give up one's life if necessary in order to obey certain of G-d's laws.
The liberal west speaks of the pragmatic and practical, with reality being that which we can see and touch and feel, while Judaism rests on a foundation of faith and belief in a G-d who is Omnipotent and who is the G-d of history.
But above all, Judaism differs from liberal and non-liberal
western values in that the foundation upon which it rests is that of
"the yoke of Heaven," the acceptance of G-d's law and values and
concepts as truth, without testing them in the fires of one's own

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knowledge, choice, desires, and acceptance. One does not weigh and mull over Jewish values as presented in Torah authority. One does not test them to see if they are acceptable to the taste, sweet to the palate. One does not test them by his own standards to see if he believes them to be just or decent or merciful or good. It is the Almighty who created the world and the word, who created finite and stumbling man, who created justice and decency and mercy and good. That which He created is just and decent and merciful and good, and we accept it because of that. It is this yoke of Heaven, the setting aside of our will before His because He is truth and His Torah is truth, that is the fundamental of Judaism.
Of course the Jew must study and analyze and grapple with Torah and its concepts. And is there another religion in the world that places so much emphasis and obligation to study as does Judaism? But that study is not to twist and concert Judaism's concept so as to confirm our own. It is an attempt to analyze and understand them; and whether we succeed or do not, we obey, nevertheless. We bend our neck, we bow the head, we soften the heart and accept the yoke of Heaven. That and not our "rationality" and our "approval" is what guides us and obligates us.
And though there be concepts that we, because we were so sadly raised in foreign and gentile environment with foreign and gentile concepts and values, find difficult to accept and understand and carry out, we nevertheless climb the Jewish mountain in the certainty that G-d, the Omniscient, has given us the truth that we must follow. That is the difference between Judaism and the western idea that elevates Man, rational man, to the throne of the universe; that gives man the ultimate right to determine justice and goodness and values. That is the ultimate contradiction between Judaism and western culture and nothing can ever bridge that gap. The Jew must choose.
And there is more. Let us magnify Jewish terror.
Liberal democracy and Judaism
The differences between liberal democracy, as modern man knows and defines it, and Judaism are profound. Democracy is based on the notion of the will of "the people." The people are supreme and the majority of the people have a right to express their will and make the state act in accordance with that will.
And liberal democracy defines "the people" who have these rights. Who are they? Who are the "people" who have the absolute right to demand all the rights granted by the state? Liberal

democracy is crystal clear on this point. The "people" are those individuals — all those individuals— who are citizens of the state, whether through birth or through sufficient time of residence within the particular, geographical area of the state. All of those people have an absolute right to be citizens of the state and to absolutely enjoy those equal political, economic, social and all other privileges that exist in human development and within that state. Democracy is color blind and religious blind and national-origin blind, and it is only the geographical area of the state which determines citizenship and equal rights and enjoyment of state privileges.
And the right of this defined "people" to express their will and have the majority of that will accepted as rule of state, derives from liberal democracy's premise that man cannot know the truth, that, indeed, there is no "truth" as such. Liberal democracy is a sociologist's Garden of Eden, a kind of Paradise Found, of Margaret Meadism. Having discovered that there exists a Pacific island with natives who eat their mothers-in-law, the liberal democrat postulates that there is surely no objective prohibition to eat mothers-in-law, that the failure to eat mothers-in-law is rather a specific cultural abberation of the west, and this holds true for all taboos and prohibitions. Truth, says liberal democracy, is in the mind of the believer and no one has the right to declare that he possesses it and therefore demand the right to impose it on a majority that disagrees or denies it as being truth. Democracy declares that "truth," being a matter of subjectivity, the only "fair" and equitable system of government is majority rule and majority decision as to what it desires —be that "truth" or not.
And if this is so, democracy also implies "liberty," and here, again, the differences between Judaism and western liberal democracy are awesome.
Liberty means the right of a person to affirm his own "essence," to "realize himself in the manner that he sees fit. So long as he does not harm his fellow, nothing should be barred to him, no act disallowed by the state, no outside morality imposed on him to bar him from reaching his personal happiness or unhappiness. No one can tell him what is good for him, what is right for him. His is the right to reach great heights or fall to great depths; it is his affairs. It is his liberty.
This is liberal democracy and breathes a western Jew with soul so dead who does not subscribe to it? And can we find a Jewish

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leader who will not swear and pontificate that this is Judaism? But of course, it is not, and it is time that we forced ourselves to know it and admit it.
Judaism's definition of the state, of citizenship, of national rights is based on the specific unique definition of the Jewish people. It is based on the Jewish people's role and on their purpose in this world. And it is based on the connection of the Jewish people to their Land, the Land of Israel. And both people and land have existence and meaning only inasmuch as they adhere to Judaism. It is from Judaism that the Jewish people derives its reason for being. It is only Judaism that prevents "Jewishness" from descending into the nonsense of "nationalism" and the racism of irrational "Jewish pride." It is Judaism alone that gives the Jews the moral right and obligation to wave his separate identity and shout: I am a Jew!
For Judaism, the Jewish people is not nearly one more people of all the many who inhabit the earth. For Judaism, the Jew is a chosen and special and holy people, and if not, there is not the slightest reason to be a Jew.
Of course, Judaism lays down the love of G-d for all human beings who are not wicked and states that all men are created in the image of G-d. And, of course, Judaism enjoins the Jew to respect and deal decently and properly with the non-Jew. And, of course, the Jew is enjoined not to harm, and, indeed, to help the worthy non-Jew. But that has nothing to do with the legal status and difference between Jew and non-Jew, a thing that is poles apart from the western democratic outlook on political equality.
Let us therefore consider that Judaism really says about the relationship of Jew and non-Jew, about their dual status in the world and about the status of Jew and non-Jew in the Jewish State. Let us see what Judaism really says, no matter how terribly painful that may be for those who are the products of an admixture of Judaism and western civilization with all the contradictions between the two. Let the truth cut through the mountain and let it never be forgotten that the pain of truth makes it not one whit less truthful for it. One can, indeed, as so many do, flee from it, but neither does flight change its status as verity.
The beginning of Jewish wisdom in this matter begins with the basic Jewish axiom that the Almighty chose the Jewish people to be His special, holy nation, armed with His Divine Law, the Torah, given at Sinai before the eyes of all the people. This election of Israel created something very different from that found in any

other "religion" or "faith." Judaism became more than a religion. It became a totality of life with laws that, through study and practice, bound the Jew in every aspect of his life, personal status, government, state —his totality of existence.
"And the L-rd spoke unto you out of the midst of the fire; you heard the voice of the words but saw no picture, only the voice. And He declared unto you His covenant which He commanded you to perform ..." (Deuteronomy 4).
"This day the L-rd thy G-d commandeth thee to do these statutes and ordinances; thou shall therefore observe and do them with all thy heart and with all thy soul. Thou hast avouched the L-rd this day to be thy G-d and that thou wouldst walk in His ways and keep His statutes and His commandments and His ordinances and hearken unto His voice; and the L-rd hath avouched thee this day to be His own treasure as He hath promised thee and that thou shouldst keep all His commandments. And to make thee high above all nations He hath made, in praise and in name and in glory, and that thou mayest be a holy people unto the L-rd thy G-d as He hath spoken" (Deuteronomy 26).
"To love the L-rd thy G-d and to hearken to His voice and to cleave unto Him, for that is thy life and the length of thy days" (Deuteronomy 30).
A covenant at Sinai that created a Jew committed to a total life of holiness!
But Judaism was created for more than the individual. It transcended the individual Jew and made him part of a Jewish religio-nation, that obligated all Jews together, that made each responsible for the conduct of all other Jews and culpable for the sins of fellow-Jews:
"There is not a single mitzvah (commandment) written in the Torah concerning which there were not covenanted 48 treaties of 603,550" (The Talmud, Sota 37b), and the Talmudic commentator, Rashi, explains:
"The 48 treaties were for each and every one of the 603,550 Israelites who were in the desert, since each one became a guarantor for all of his brethren" (Ibid.).
Judaism is a people-oriented belief, an idea that is common to all Jews and that not only binds them together as Jews but imposes upon them the obligation to create a national society that is unique, special, holy—Jewish! It enjoins on the Jew a people and society that is separate and separated, that is set apart from the others because only in this way can it be free of all the un-

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Jewish and unholy influences of the other nations.
"Now therefore, it ye will hearken unto My voice indeed, and keep My covenant, then ye shall be Mine own treasure from among all peoples, for all the earth is Mine. And ye shall be unto Me a kingdom of priests and a holy nation" (Exodus 19).
And the rabbis of the Talmud comment:
"Holy —hallowed and sanctified, separated from the nations of the world and their abominations" (Mchilta, Yitro).
The concept of a holy nation is inevitably coupled by Judaism with the concept of a separate nation for the clear reason that the mixture of holy and profane dilutes, destroys the purity and totality of holiness. And that is exactly the reason for the Biblical injunction:
"Lo, it is a people that shall dwell alone and shall not be reckoned among the nations" (Numbers 23).
And that is exactly the comment of the rabbis on the verse (Leviticus 20):
"And ye shall be holy unto Me, for I the L-rd am holy, and have set you apart from the peoples, that ye shall be Mine." "If you are separated from them, then you are Mine; if not —then you belong to Nebuchadnezzar [King of Babylon] and his comrades" (Sifra).
No, not hatred of the other nations but an understanding and deep assurance of belief that the Jews are indeed the blessed recipients of Divine truth; that that truth is a thing to be studied and acted upon and lived every moment of the Jew's life; and he and his children and theirs must live in a society of Divine holiness that is unique and untouched or influenced by the profanity and commonness of the other nations. Not hatred for others, but deep pride and thanksgiving that we are the chosen.
And this concept of chosenness, holiness and separation is an integral part of the Jewish ritual. When called up to read in the Torah scroll, the Jew recites the blessing, "Who has chosen us from all the peoples ..." When he performs the Sabbath night ritual on the exist of the Sabbath, a ritual which itself is called havdala (separation), he raises his cup and blesses G-d who divides "the sacred from the profane, light and darkness, Israel and the nations." When he recites the holiday prayer he stands and murmurs, "You have chosen us from all the peoples, loved us and desired us, raised us from all the tongues and hallowed us with Your commandments."
No, not a hatred of other nations but a refusal to bow to the

nonsensical leveling of a fraudulent democratization of values. Not all values are equal. There is truth and there if falsehood, and blessed is the one who has truth. And not all peoples are equal, and blessed is that people who has been chosen and given truth. And the rabbis, after declaring that all humans were made in G-d's image, continue: "Beloved are the Jews who are called the children of G-d. A special love was granted unto them ..." (Avot 3). And again: "The Holy One Blessed Be He created the seventy nations but of them all found pleasure only in Israel. . ." (Tanchuma, BaMidbar 10).
The era of false democracy in which there is nothing better than anything else and in which everything and everybody is brought to a common denominator, invariably among the lowest, is not that of Judaism. G-d is truth and G-d chose a special people and gave them that truth. If any of the nations wish to share that, they are welcome to join the Jewish people. But until they do there is a difference, there is the difference of the havdala intonation: "He who separates Israel and the nations. ..."
The injunction upon the people of Israel to separate themselves from the nations of the world in order to create a Torah society in an effort to, as best as possible, escape the influences of the nations, makes Judaism a land-centered faith, a concept that follows inexorably from its people-centeredness. For if the Almighty wishes the Jews to live as a collective people and so to create a special, holy, unique nation, it is obvious that this can only be done if they live in a single, distinctive land of their own, isolated —yes, isolated, not integrated —from gentile and foreign influences which can and must corrupt the pure totality and distinctiveness of G-d's society.
And so, Moses tells the Jews: "Behold, I have taught you statutes and judgments . . . that you should do in the midst of the land whither you go to possess it" (Deuteronomy 4). And again: And the L-rd commanded me at that time to teach you statutes and judgments that you might do them in the land whither you go over to possess it" (Ibid.).
And thus do the commentators speak:
"For The Holy One Blessed Be He, told Moses two things: That he should go down to save the people from Egypt —and this would have been possible in the land of Goshen (Egypt) itself or close to it. But he promised another thing: To take them out of that land (Egypt) totally and to the place of the Canaanites" (Ramban, Exodus 3:9).

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And: "For G-d knew that they (Israel) cold not fulfill the mitzvot (commandments) properly if they would be in countries ruling over them" (Ibn Ezra, Deuteronomy, 4:10).
And: "And since in our servitude we were unable to acquire the completeness directed by Him, G-d did wondrously to take us out and to bring us into the land where we could acquire that completeness" (Sforno, Deuteronomy 6:21).
The concept is clear. G-d, wishing to create a society and life of Torah totality knew that, living as a minority in a foreign country, not only would it be impossible to create the national laws and forms of a Jewish society, but even the individual would be influenced by the majority culture and thus warp the completeness of the Torah teachings, never able to properly observe Torah. And that, of course, is the meaning of the astounding rabbinical midrashic statement:
"Even after you are in Exile, be distinguished with mitzvot; place tefillin (phylacteries), make mezuzot (on your doorposts) so that they will not be foreign to you when you return."
The question leaps at us: Is that then the reason for Jews to observe the commandments? So that they should not be "foreign" when they return? Why are we not commanded to do the commandments simply because all the commandments that are not tied to the land are the obligation of the Jew anywhere? And the answer is clear: The commandments were given only for the Land of Israel, for there only could they be done properly and completely, the only way that G-d could have wished it. Only there could the Jew build a Torah society uncorrupted by gentile concepts. And the sole reason to observe them in the Exile is indeed the need not to forget them when we do return to Eretz Israel.
And so, knowing that G-d wished the Jew to create a unique, total, pure and complete Jewish life, society and state, who can honestly believe that He then sanctioned the democratic right of a non-Jew, who is totally alien and outside the Jewish society and who is free of its religious obligation, to have the slightest say in its workings?
Eretz Israel means "the Land of Israel." Meaning the land of the people called Israel. Precisely as Moab was the land of the people of Moab and Edom that of the Edomites. The concept, the logical concept of a land, is that it serves as the home and the receptacle for a people to lead their own unique and distinctive life style. It is not the geographical area that defines the person, it is the person who controls the land. No non-Edomite was ever a

citizen of Edom just as no non-Philistine was a citizen of Philistia or had any say in its national concerns or characters. So, too, with Israel — the Jewish people. The Land of Israel belongs to the people of Israel. It is they who control it, define it. It is their vessel, their territory in which to create the society of Israel, the Torah society of G-d. Only Israel, only the Jew, has a proprietary interest in it.
And thus, Judaism lays down legal, halachic, conditions for the privilege of a non-Jew being allowed to live in the Land of Israel, the Chosen Land of G-d, given to His Chosen People, Israel, to create a Chosen Torah society.
And this is, of course, the heart of the matter. It is not merely that the land belongs to the Jewish people. It is the land that belongs to G-d and which He gave to the Jewish people for a specific reason and under a specific condition. It is the land that was indeed taken from other people—the Canaanite nations— because it is G-d who made the world for a specific purpose-goodness and holiness-who holds title to the entire universe, to all the land within it, and it is His to do with as He sees fit. And the rabbis, in asking why the Torah —a book of law —begins with a story, the story of the Creation, reply that should the nations point to the Jews entering the land and taking it from the seven Canaanite nations, Israel rejoins:
"The world and all that is in it belongs to The Holy One Blessed Be He. When He so chose He gave it unto you and when He so chose He took it from you and gave it to us, and this is the meaning of the verse (Psalms 111): The strength of His deeds did He recount unto His people in order to give unto them the inheritance of the nations' " (Bereshit Rabah 1:2).
It is The Almighty who created all —the world, the lands, the peoples in them —for a purpose. And it is He who took The Holy Land from others for the same purpose and gave it to The Chosen People, for that purpose:
"And He gave them the lands of nations and they inherited the labor of peoples that they might observe His statutes and keep His laws" (Psalms 105).
To observe His statutes and to keep His laws. And that is why non-Jew who wishes to live there can do so only under certain

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conditions, the most important being that he has nothing to say concerning the state, its character, its workings.
This is so for all non-Jews. Any grant to them of citizenship that implies ownership and a right to shape the destiny and character of the state destroys the uniqueness and entire purpose of giving the land to Israel. It invites spiritual assimilation and eventually demands for political autonomy.
How much more so for the non-Jewish residents of the land who lived there before the L-rd gave it to the Jews. Those residents refuse to recognize such a fact. They believe the land to be theirs and will dream of the day when they will regain it. To allow them to remain as proprietors, or even freely living with restrictions, is to ensure not only the general spiritual assimilation that is threatened by any large number of non-Jews, but also the threat of revanchist political and military attack.
And that is the clear concept given by the great Biblical commentator, Abarbanel, in explaining why the Children of Israel were forbidden to agree to a covenant of peace with the Canaanite nations which would give both equality and rights in the land.
Abarbanel brings down the verses in Exodus (34:11-12):
"Observe thou that which I command thee this day; behold I drive out before thee the Amorite and the Canaanite and the Hit-tite and the Peruzite and the Hivite and the Jebusite. Take heed to thyself lest thou make a covenant with the inhabitants of the land that you come upon, lest it be a snare in your midst."
And here is what the great Biblical commentator says:
"For having taken their land from them there is no doubt that they would always seek the harm of Israel. And that is why the verse says 'the land that you come upon,' i.e., since you, Israel, came upon the land to take it from its inhabitants and they are 'robbed' of it, how will they observe a covenant of love? It will rather be just the opposite, for they will be a 'snare in your midst' and when there will be a war, they will join your enemies and fight you."
What sheer clarity and logic and normalcy! What understanding of the normal workings of people's minds and national feelings! And what a difference between the great Torah scholar and the tiny Hellenists whose cowardice and fear of facing truth lead them down such pathways of contempt for the Arabs. Of course the admonition prohibiting a treaty of friendship and equality with the Canaanite nations is exactly the same for the Arabs of Israel, and for precisely the same reason. In both cases we deal

with people who lived in the land before Israel returned. Of course, they do not accept the truth of Divine ownership of the land by the G-d of Israel, hence Israel's right to take the land with sovereignty and ownership. Do we expect them to? Of course the ultimate, only reason that they surrender and live quietly is fear and their understanding that they are too weak at present to change the situation. But of course they never accept that situation as permanent and of course they dream of the day when they will return their "stolen land" unto themselves. And so, apart from the reason that any non Jews, even those from a people who never lived in the land, cannot be granted national and citizenship rights in a Jewish state, there is a far greater reason in the case of the Canaanites and the Arabs and any non-Jewish people who once lived in Israel and who see it as their land, stolen by the
Jews.
(And, indeed that is why so many of the Torah commentators deny the right of the Canaanites to live in the land at all, under any circumstances, because it is impossible that they would not plot revanchist plots.)
There is no essential difference between the feelings of the Arabs and the Canaanite nations concerning the land they believe to be theirs. And while we may accept the view of those commentators who would grant the Arabs the limited rights of all other gentiles in the land, it behooves us to watch them far more carefully than we would people who never lived there. , So basic and important is this concept that, as the Jews prepared to cross the Jordan into the Land of Israel, as the waters rose to enormous heights and the Children of Israel rapidly crossed to the other side, as they were in the middle of the now-dry riverbed, suddenly Joshua told them to stop, gather together. And he spoke to them. What was so vital that could not wait until they had crossed safely to the other side? What had to be said now, in the middle of the Jordan, as the waters piled higher and higher?
"While still in the Jordan, Joshua said to them: 'Know why you are crossing the Jordan! In order that you drive out the inhabitants of the Land from before you as it is written' (Numbers 33:52). And you shall drive out all the inhabitants of the land from before you. If you do this —it shall be good. If not —the waters shall come and inundate me and you" (Talmud, Sota 34a). Nothing was more urgent than this message, for allowing the gentile nations who inhabited the Land of Israel to remain there

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freely was to invite physical and spiritual threats; military or political efforts on the part of bitter, angry revanchist people to regain the land; spiritual and cultural assimilation; and disintegration of the uniqueness of the special society that the Jew was commanded to build.
And so, the Talmud tells us: "Joshua sent three messages to the inhabitants (of Canaan). He who wishes to evacuate — let him evacuate; who wishes to make peace —let him make peace; to make war —let him make war" (Va-Yikra Rabah 17).
The choices are given. Either leave, or prepare for war —or make peace. The choice of "making peace" is explained by the rabbis as involving three things. To begin with, the non-Jew must agree to adopt the seven basic Noahide laws, which include prohibitions against idolatry, blasphemy, immorality, bloodshed, robbery, and eating flesh cut from a living animal, and a positive action — adherence to social laws. Once he has done this, he has the status of a "resident stranger" (ger toshav) who is allowed to live in Eretz Israel (Talmud, Avoda Zara 64b), if he also accepts the conditions of tribute and servitude.
Biblical commentator Rabbi David Kimchi (Radak) explains Joshua 9:7: "If they uproot idolatry and accept the seven Noahide laws, they must also pay tribute and serve Israel and be subjects under them, as it is written (Deuteronomy 20:11): 'They will be tribute and shall serve you.' "
And Maimonides (Hilchot Mlachim 6:11) declares: "If they make peace and accept the seven Noahide laws we do not kill them, for they are tributary. If they agreed to pay tribute but not accept servitude or accepted servitude but not tribute we do not acquiesce until they have accepted both. And servitude means that they shall be humble and low and not raise their head in Israel. Rather they shall be subjects under us and not be appointed to any position over Jews ever."
Far better than foolish humans did the Almighty understand the dangers inherent in allowing a people that believed the land belonged to it to be given free and unfettered residence, let alone ownership, proprietorship, citizenship. What more natural thing than to ask to regain what it believed to be rightly its own land? And this over and above the need to create a unique and distinctly separate Torah culture that will shape the Jewish people into a holy nation. That "uniqueness" can be guaranteed only by the non-Jew's having no sovereignty, ownership, citizenship or say in the state that could allow him to shape its destiny and charac-

ter. And so, concerning any non-Jew, Maimonides says: " 'Thou shalt not place over thyself a stranger who is not of your brethren'" (Deuteronomy 17:15). Not only a king, but the prohibition is for any authority in Israel. Not an officer in the armed forces . . • not even a public official in charge of the distribution of water to the fields. And there is no need to mention that a judge or chieftain shall only be from the midst of the people of Israel. . . . Any authority that you appoint shall only be from the midst of they people" (Hilchot Mlachim 1:4).
The purpose is clear. The non-Jew has no share in the Land of Israel. He has no ownership, citizenship, or destiny in it. The non-Jew who wishes to live in Israel must accept basic human obligations. Then he may live in Israel as a resident stranger, but never as a citizen with any proprietary interest or with any political say, never as one who can hold any public office that will give him dominion over a Jew or a share in the authority of the country. Accepting these conditions, he admits that the land is not his, and therefore he may live in Israel quietly, separately observing bis own private life, with all religious, economic, social, and cultural rights. Refusing this, he cannot remain. Those are the conditions for the gentile who wishes to remain in the Land of the People of Israel, of the Jewish people. A stranger who is allowed to reside as a resident but never with citizenship, never with anything to say about the country.
Then, by all means, he must not be ill-treated or oppressed. Then, by all means, we should treat him properly, kindly, heal his sick and support all his needs. Then, we must treat him with the same kindness we would show any decent human being who is not Jewish if we lived in the Exile outside of Israel.
Then he is entitled to personal rights, economic and cultural and social rights within Torah law. But national rights, the right to say anything about the structure, the character, of the state — never!
And certainly nothing of even this to one who does not accept the Jewish sovereignty over the land, the tribute and servitude that goes along with it. And a thousand times never to a gentile, the Arab, who is the enemy, who claims the country is really his, and who declares his right to retake the country through war or through population growth and democracy! And concerning those who do not accept the permanency and legality of Jewish sovereignty, the Torah clearly commanded: "And you shall drive out all the inhabitants of the land from before you. . . . But if

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you will not drive out the inhabitants of the land from before you, then it shall come to pass that those which you let remain of them, shall be thorns in your eyes and thistles in your sides and shall torment you in the land wherein you dwell. And it shall be that I will do to you as I thought to do to them" (Numbers 33:53-56).
The Biblical commentators are explicit: "And you shall drive out the inhabitants and then you shall inherit it, you will be able to exist in it. And if you do not, you will not be able to exist in it" (Rashi— Rabbi Shlomo Yitzchaki).
"When you shall eliminate the inhabitants of the land, then you shall be privileged to inherit the land and pass it down to your children. But if you do not eliminate them, even though you will conquer the land you will not be privileged to hand it down to your children" (Sforno — Rabbi Ovadiah ben Yaakov).
"... The verse speaks of others aside from the seven Canaanite nations. . . . Not only will they hold that part of the land that you did not possess, but even concerning that part which you did possess and settle in—they will distress you and say: Rise and get out . . ." (Ohr Ha'Chayim —Rabbi Chaim ben Atar).
That is Judaism, and if it be painful to the western secularized Jew because of its all-too-obvious contradiction of western political democracy, so be it. And if the westernized, secularized Jew will have to choose, to make an agonizing, painful choice —then so be that, too. But at long last, let honesty ring. For Jewish honesty is infinitely more preferable to the dishonesty of Schindlerism or the ignorance of Peresism. Far better to look at Judaism truthfully, though that will mean realizing that we are seeing "Kahanism."
Some 2500 years ago, Elijah stood on Mount Carmel and spoke to the Jews. Their problem at the time too was deformed Judaism. They had created a comfortable form of Judaism mixed with Baal worship and felt quite at home in this progressive admixture. Their temples were a bit of this and that, their Judaism and Zionism an idiological coexistence of paganism and monotheism, and they certainly felt themselves good Israelites. And yet, Elijah rose and boomed out at them:
"How long halt ye between two opinions? If the L-rd be G-d, follow Him; but if Baal, follow him."
Because Judaism cannot abide the admixture of Torah and fraud, there is no Jewish coexistence between honesty and falsehood. And that is why it is so necessary that we rid ourselves of the irrelevancies and evasions and fraud of terrified Jews, from

Reform and atheist to Moderdox (modern orthodox), who avoid the clear rulings of Jewish law and conceptual values because of their inability to deal with the immutable conflict between them and western, non-Jewish values.
That is why they bring high-sounding irrelevancies, moral and ethical concepts that no one argues with, that no one disagrees with, that are all magnificent and glorious—and irrelevant to what we are talking about. Hear them, the frightened sellers of Jewish red herrings:
"The highest value of all is peace. Rabbi Yochanan of the Torah would even greet a gentile in the marketplace with 'shalom,' peace."
The greatest value is peace? Of course, and what relevancy does that have to anything that I say? Of course, the Torah calls for peace between Jews and gentiles and of course Rabbi Yochanan greeted a gentile with "shalom" and—so what? The Jew greets the gentile with peace, and he deals with him with respect and honor and decency in all his private and personal relations with him — but not as a citizen of the Jewish state. Not as one who has any national say in the Jewish state. And certainly not even "shalom" to an enemy!
"All men are made in the image of G-d." Agreed, embraced whole-heartedly. And what relevancy is that to all of the above? All men are made in the image of G-d, and when they are decent we owe them the basic decency and respect we would owe to any Jew. But again, this is limited to the private and personal sphere. The national sphere —state and people and citizenship and equal political rights in a Jewish state —are not the province of non-Jews. One is obligated to run miles to help a decent gentile in his personal problems but not an inch in the sphere of national equality.
And, of course none of this has anything at all to do with the evil men who were indeed created in the image of G-d and then proceeded to destroy it and corrupt it and turn themselves into worse than beasts. None of this concept of "made in the image of G-d" has the slightest relevance to truly evil people, as far as what our attitude toward them should be. Were not the Nazis — Hitler himself—made in the image of G-d? Of course. And Stalin? And Genghis Khan? And the Amalekites for whom the Torah decrees extermination? Was not the Moslem Mufti of Jerusalem who led massacres of hundreds of Jewish men, women and children in the Land of Israel in the 1920's and 1930's made in the

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image of G-d? And Arafat and George Habash? Of course they were. The question is: What did they do with that image? To it? How did they—through their evil —defile and corrupt it? And how much love and mercy do we owe to these who would destroy us if they could? The theological fishmongers continue with their red herrings:
"But the Bible tells us to love the stranger. The Bible declares that there shall be one law for you and the stranger."
Again, even if it were true that the Hebrew word in the Bible—ger— which is wrongly translated "stranger," meant the non-Jewish foreigner, of course it would mean that one should not oppress or persecute that non-Jew who is allowed to live in Israel as a ger-toshav, resident stranger. That one must help him and feed him and heal him and treat him with decency and mercy and respect. It does not mean that he must be given the right to be equal politically, a citizen, one who has a say in the character and running of the state.
But more than that, the rabbis make it clear that the general use of the word ger in the Bible refers to what they term a ger tzedek, a gentile who has converted and become a Jew. The warning is not to offend him or treat him in any way differently from the one who was born Jewish. And this is what is expressly stated in the Chinuch (Commandment 63):
" 'And you shall not oppress or persecute a ger. . .' (Exodus 22). We are prevented from oppressing a ger even with words. And this is one of the seven nations who converted and entered our faith."
And the rabbis (Torat Kohanim, Leviticus 19), on the verse, "And if a ger shall live in your land you shall not oppress him; as an ezrach (citizen) of you shall he be" (Ibid.). "'As an ezrach:' just as an 'ezrach' is one who accepted all of the Torah, so is a ger, one who accepted all the Torah. "
And when the Bible uses the term ger in the context of the "stranger" and the Jews who were in Egypt, as in the verse, "And you shall love the ger for you were gerim in the land of Egypt" (Deuteronomy 10), the greatest of the Aramaic Biblical translators, Onkelos, who was himself a ger, a convert to Judaism, carefully and painstakingly uses two different words to translate ger and gerim, and thus to differentiate between the meaning of the two in the verse. Concerning, "And you shall love the ger," Onkelos says, "And you shall love the Giora (meaning convert to Judaism). But in translating "for you were gerim," he writes, "for

you were dayarin [meaning "residents"] in the Land of Egypt."
Of course the use of the word ger by the Torah refers to the stranger who converted to Judaism and who is now a full Jew. The Torah understood the danger of discrimination by "natural-born" Jews against the "new" Jew who, but yesterday, was a gentile. That is why the emphasis on the need to treat the ger— converted Jew —as yourself. And that is, of course, the reason for the injunction: "One law shall there be for you and the ger who dwells in your midst" (Exodus 12).
Is it logical to suppose that this "one law" which refers to the commandment to eat of the Paschal lamb is incumbent on that non-Jewish resident when the Talmud forbids the non-Jew to eat from it?
No, the injunction to "love the ger" refers to the stranger, but it is an injunction to love the ger-tzedek, the gentile who converted and is now Jewish. In that respect the love is one that demands equality. As for the non-Jew, indeed we must treat kindly and decently and with love all gentiles who have accepted the minimal laws of civilization, the seven Noahide laws. But they are not Jews and are not part of the Jewish people that, alone, has not the right but the obligation to live in the Land of Israel and create there their unique and special Jewish State. This is the very warp and woof of Judaism, the very fundamental of Jewish fundamentals: the separation of the Jew from the non-Jew in order to create the complete and total Jewish society.
And, of course, Judaism never leaves its fundamentals within the realm of the ethereal and philosophical. Judaism is first a creed of concepts and then a meticulous path of ritual that symbolizes those concepts. The ritual of Judaism, the commandment, is the outer expression and manifestation of the inner concept. And, clearly, Judaism took great pains to impress upon its followers the vital importance of separation through precise and exact laws, laws and rules that are not only in opposition to "progression thinking" but, in this era of "Kahanism," have become the objects of an hysterical, irrational orgy of defamation and condemnation.
The clearest and most painful example of the agonizing contradiction between liberal-democratic-western thinking and Judaism, the one that has led to the most violent and hideous hate and wildly irrational defamation is surely the clear and ringing Jewish ban on intermarriage and sexual relations between Jews and non-Jews, a thing that has become the centerpiece of the hysterical

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attack by the Hellenist Jews on "Kahanism."
From the know-nothing, religion-hating left, whose Shulamit Aloni cried, "Kahane is a Nazi," to balding Likud Knesset member Michael Eitan who drew up a table of Kahane laws and Nazi Nuremberg laws to show the "similarities," this subject has brought down the most emotional and irrational attacks. But of course, sound and fury and heat and hysteria have not the slightest relevance to or effect upon the reality of a situation, and if it is indeed true, as leftist Aloni and rightist Eytan say, that Kahane is a Nazi for calling for a ban on intermarriage and sexual relations between Jews and non-Jews, let it be known that so then were their grandparents—and those of every other Jew.
It is not Kahanism that the neo-Hellenists attack when they hysterically condemn his war on intermarriage, but Judaism, and, though it is excruciating painful, let the truth be known. Intermarriage is the Waterloo, the Valley of Death, for the desperately confused Jewish Hellenist and defamer. And Judaism's clear and unmistakable total opposition to it, more than any other thing, marks the secular Jewish Hellenist as standing outside the pale of that Judaism which, to his horror, is the "Kahanism" of his grandparents as far back as Sinai. And never was there a mightier Tower of Jewish babbling than this Hellenistic edifice complex.
Breathes there a Jewish leader with soul so dead who does not pay homage and obeisance to Judaism and its great books? Is there an Israeli Prime Minister, Knesset member, Reform rabbi, Federation head, Jewish Congress (American, Canadian, World!) president who does not respectfully rise in respect and salutation to the Book of Books, the Holy Bible? Search if you will, as for leaven on the eve of Passover, and you will never find a Jewish humanist, liberal leader who does not shower us with praise of the Bible and its Judaism of "ethics, morality and brotherly love."
And so, let me suggest a game. It is called: "What If?"
It is really a rather simple game. One simply opens the ethical and humanistic Bible and chooses a passage or event. Then, he selects a modern-day Jewish leader or leaders, and asks the sublime question: What if? What if they had lived at the time? What would their reaction have been? Such a simple game. And with such momentous implications. Let us begin. What if. . . ?
What if Shimon Peres, the Israeli Knesset, the World Jewish Congress, the Reform Rabbinate, the B'nai B'rith and the Jewish Federations had been in the desert when Moses, fresh from Sinai, declared: "Neither shalt thou make marriages with them (the

Canaanites); thy daughter thou shalt not give unto his son nor his daughter shalt thou take unto thy son" (Deuteronomy 7).
Can one even begin to imagine the vitriolic condemnation on the part of all the above-mentioned "progressives" against this racist, Kahanist decree?
And then, what if they had been in the desert when Pinchas (Phineas) rose out of the congregation: "And behold, one of the children of Israel came and brought unto his brethren a Midianite woman in the sight of Moses ..." (Numbers 25).
The man is Zimri, prince of the tribe of Shimon, leader of Israel, respected, honored, famous. The woman is a gentile, well-born, daughter of a king of Midian. He has relations with her—not only a victimless crime, but he may, in fact, love her. What is the reaction of Pinchas?
"And when Pinchas saw it, he rose up from among the congregation and took a javelin in his hand; And he went after the man of Israel into the tent and thrust both of them through, the man of Israel and the woman through her belly ..."
The game becomes more exciting. What if? What if all the above and Alexander Schindler and Shulamit Aloni and Balfour Brickner and Edgar Bronfman had been there; what would they have said? What would the rabbi of the Stephen Wise Free Synagogue and the head of the World Jewish Congress — humanists and liberals, par excellence — have done? What arises in the hearts and minds of the ethical Jews when Pinchas kills a Jew and a paramour merely because they wish to have adult enjoyment that does no hurt to anyone? What kind of Declaration does Balfour deliver at this gross violation of human rights and base violation of basic tolerance? And what does Edgar —married to the same kind of shiksa (well born) whom Pinchas thrust through —think as he contemplates the Bible that sits in every temple, Orthodox, Conservative, Reform, Reconstructionist or Gay? And which describes all this and G-d's rewarding of Pinchas for his act. "Behold, I give unto him My covenant of peace." Reward? Where are the anti-racist, anti-Pinchas demonstrations? And how do the progressives continue to raise high that Torah scroll? What if?
What if they transported them centuries later to Jerusalem, where, as the Second Temple is being built, Ezra, leader of the Jews, is suddenly told shocking news: Jews are intermarrying! What would Alexander Schindler and Knesset Speaker Hillel have

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said to the following paragons of Jewish morality:
"For they (the Jews) have taken to their daughters. ... So that the holy seed have mingled themselves with the people of the lands . . . (Ezra 9).
Holy seed? What kind of racist philosophy is this? Does it not smack of. . . ? And then, in response to this intermarriage, Nehemiah acts: "In those days I saw Jews that had married wives of Ashdod, Amnon and Moab. . . . And I quarrelled with them and cursed them and smote certain of them and plucked off their hair ..." (Nehemiah 13). Why surely the entire Knesset and Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations would have risen up in fury and created some league Against Racism and Coercion and demanded an immediate anti-racist law had they been there.
The truth is that had they been there, these Jewish leaders of the school of neo-Hellenism and gentilization would have never accepted the Torah, would have never embraced the Judaism of Sinai and of their ancestors. For all that they find abhorrent today in the emphatic war on intermarriage and relations between Jews and gentiles that they call "Kahanism" is really Judaism, pure and simple.
Maimonides, whom Jewish leaders, either through ignorance or hypocrisy, so praise today unto the heavens as the progressive codifier, did indeed codify such Jewish laws as:
"A Jew who had relations with a gentile through marriage is whipped according to Torah law. But he who has relations with a gentile immorally (not through marriage) is whipped by rabbinical decree lest he come to marry her. . . . And this leads to cleaving to the gentiles from whom the Almighty separated us, and thus to turn away from G-d and to betray Him" (Maimonides, Laws of Forbidden Relations, 12).
It could not have been put more clearly or pithily. Intermarriage and sexual relations between Jews and non-Jews lead to the breaking down of the separation that G-d commanded, a separation that alone keeps the Jew as a distinct and unique entity, building a life of beauty and holiness and —above all —handing down the torch to his child who in turn will pass it on to his. No, not hatred nor "dislike" of the non-Jew, but a deep belief that G-d gave the Jewish people His Truth and nothing could be more stupid or criminal than losing that truth by losing our distinctive-ness and separateness.
That is why the rabbis so painstakingly created "fences" that

would as much as possible assure the strengthening of this separation:
"The rabbis forbade the eating of bread baked by the nations because of intermarriage . . . for if he eats their bread he will come to eat with them" (Code of Jewish Law, Yorah Deah 114). And:
"It was decreed not to drink their wine because of their daughters (i.e., it would lead to intermarriage with their daughters)" (Talmud, Avoda Zara 36b).
No, no, no —not hatred and not contempt, because the very same gentile, truly desiring to be Jewish, can convert and thus become as Jewish as the greatest of the rabbis.
But having made that clear, the converse is just as clear. For the Jew, vis-a-vis the gentile, there remains a gulf, a division, a separation, an apartness that yawns in its immensity. Two worlds, two separate beings. Yes "Kahanism" is Judaism, and all the hate and curses and defamations and stones and frantic efforts to silence that truth are both unavailing and irrelevant.
The Almighty never intended that this world be an easy one for the Jew—only a holy and spiritual one. And so, he must choose. He must choose because Judaism and Zionism on the one hand, and western, liberal culture on the other. They are different. The one represents spiritual life and the other death, the one truth and the other falsehood and delusion, the one blessing and the other curse.
"See I have set before thee this day life and good and death and evil . . . therefore choose life!" Therefore choose Judaism so that you and your children and your children's children shall live upon the land which the L-rd swore unto our fathers to give them as the days of the heavens above the earth. . . .
But the Hellenists of Israel and the Exile cannot. The gentilized Jewish leaders cannot choose. They know, all too well, that Judaism, the faith unto which they were born, is in fundamental conflict with the westernized values to which they have always cleaved and which have become flesh of their flesh. They are victims, trapped in their own personal ideology which stands in contradiction to their Judaism, and they cannot bear being forced to choose.
And yet, not even that is the worst of their agonies. There is an even more terrible horror, emerging directly from the contradictions of their lives and ideologies and which is the worst of all. It is a terror that shakes the very reason for the existence of Israel as

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a Jewish state and that of the Jews as a separate people.
Even if there would be no Arab physical threat to the existence of Israel, the far greater question, the far greater threat, exists in the struggle among Jews over what kind of state will Israel be. Will it be a Jewish State or a sickly, carbon copy of the non-Jewish ones with all their foreign cultures —a gentilized Hebrew-speaking entity? And if it is to be that, the terrible question arises: Is this for what we waited, dreamed of, hoped for, over two millenia, for nearly 2,000 years? For a pallid copy of the United States or Britain or Canada or Australia or France or Germany or the west in which we could live in far greater comfort and safety? If this is the product and not a state of Jewish identity and specific Jewish character and Jewish specialness, do we really need it? That is the terrible question that shakes the thinking Jewish Hellenist who has no answer to it. And his agony grows in proportion to the reality of Israel as a state indeed most un-Jewish, in truth most alien to all that Judaism and the Jewish soul ever yearned for.
Chapter 11
Jews and Jews
Some time ago, an opinion poll was given to Arabs and Jews by Sociology Professor Ephram Ya'ar of Tel Aviv University. Ya'ar gave his respondents a list of 14 factors that may or may not influence the course of peace between Israel and the Arab states, and asked them to rank the list in importance, from one to 14. The Arabs, placed "the will of God" first, the Jews placed it last. ...
One need not be "Orthodox" to understand that we are beholding the unfolding of tragedy in Israel. For nearly 2,000 years a Jewish people, pious and cleaving to G-d through deep faith in Judaism, prayed to return from the depths of the Exile to the heights of their own state. It is doubtful if any of them could have dreamed that when that miracle of return would happen and the Jewish state would be in place, the Jewish citizens who were privileged to see the incredible miracle of the return from twenty

centuries of Exile would rank, in the list of factors that move his-tory, their G-d dead last.
And one need not be a "fanatic" to understand the spiritual holocaust taking place in the Jewish State when one reads in the newspaper (Yediot Aharonot, January 5, 1983) the following:
"About a quarter of the public that calls itself secular, or about 15 percent of the adult population of Israel, is prepared to have themselves or someone in their family marry a Christian. Most of those who are ready for marriage ties with a Christian are not prepared for similar ties with a religious Jew. These figures emerge from an opinion poll taken by the research institute Dahaf under the direction of Dr. Mina Tzemach."
Nor need one be a "Kahanist" to be shaken by the following news item from the Jerusalem Post (February 25, 1986), written by one of its resident Hellenists, Benny Morris:
"Tomorrow evening Israel television is scheduled to screen a program against Jewish-Gentile Intermarriage. Citizens Rights Movement MK Shulamit Aloni, the Knesset's leading and veteran crusader against racism and other civil rights abuses, has appealed to the Broadcasting Authority to halt the broadcast and if the authority refuses, intends to ask the High Court of Justice for an order to prevent it.
"In the program a young Jewish woman relates how she slept with a man called Yoram. But then she found out that 'Yoram's' real name was Ahmed. 'I then felt polluted, defiled,' the young woman says.
"Aloni regards the program, prepared by the Yad Le'Ahim Orthodox anti-missionary organization (which is financed in part by the Education and Religious Affairs Ministries), as 'a sign of the times.' It's like the Nuremberg Laws, in which Aryan Germany tried to 'protect' its women from having sexual intercourse with Jews. That's how these things start.
"Aloni fears that the country is on a downward slide into racism, even 'fascism.' She stops short of saying it's inevitable. Maybe she doesn't want to depress me. . . .
"Recently, she adds, the country's Orthodox establishment has begun to 'use the terminology of Nuremberg' openly, preaching against marriages between Jewesses and Arabs and against meeting between Jewish and Arab schoolchildren."
The broadcast was, indeed, cancelled on the grounds of "racism" and one can only shake his head in disbelief that in the Jewish State, a program against intermarriage can be banned

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because of "racism. ..." One can only rend his garments when a Knesset member compares such a program to "The Nuremberg Laws" and one begins to understand the real meaning of the comparisons of Kahanism to Nuremberg. . . .
And one can only grit the teeth in anger at the obvious sympathy of the writer for the views of Aloni, and then add the following footnote.
The week that Israel banned a television broadcast against intermarriage its board of censorship decided to allow the presentation of the play Oh Calcutta, in all its nudity. It was in response to tens of telegrams from American playwrights, authors, actors and other such liberals (including Arthur Miller and Edward Albee), who wrote: "The difference between the democratic governments in the United States and Israel and the authoritarian ones, is that the democratic regime has principles within the area of freedom of expression and creativity." They added that, "from many aspects Israel is a ray of light unto the free nations and it would be better that it not turn into a nation that limits freedom of art."
And so it did not. It allowed nudity and degradation in the name of freedom of art and expression. And it banned a television program against intermarriage. In the name of. . . ?
And one need not be a reactionary to look at the State of Israel, dream of centuries, land of Judaism and Jewishness, and to shudder at the following from the newspaper Al Hamishmar (January 14, 1986), under the heading, "A Family Picture With a Christmas Tree." It deals with a family in the leftist Kibbutz, Yad Mordchai:
"On Christmas eve, a holiday atmosphere filled the home of the Rothstein family in Yad Mordchai, also. True, there was no snow and no full-fledged Christmas tree, but there was a tender little sapling in a vase and in the shadow of its decorated branches lay wrapped gifts from overseas and on the tablecloth with its red and green ornaments were pork chops and rice dipped in sweet cream. Some of that had been placed in a dish and placed outside for Santa Claus.
"What can one say except that Alice and Gadi Rothstein and their children Pia and Danny, spent a very pleasant Christmas. Once again, the credit [sic] goes to Alice who came to Yad Mordchai as a volunteer and married Gadi (in church and in the kibbutz) in 1967.
"Q: Do you intend to convert?

"A: Why should I convert? Would you change your faith if you lived in a different country? The fact that I am not Jewish never bothered me, not even outside the kibbutz; neither in terms of society nor in my occupation as a teacher.
"Q: And the children?
"A: They learned from us not to make any problem out of it and because of that there is no problem.
"Q: And Christmas is one of your more pleasant holidays?
"A: Yes. With a holiday meal and the Christmas tree in the vase. . . . By the way, on Channukah we dance around the Christmas tree and sing Channukah songs. It works out beautifully."
Perhaps more sickening than the babbling words of the Christian member of the kibbutz is the clear sympathy for the entire abomination on the part of the newspaper. This, too, is the culmination of the longed-for Return to Zion.
And one need be nothing but a decent and heartfelt Jew to be appalled at the result of the "best in secular Israeli education," Amal. At the time of the interview she was 25. A graduate of the prestigious High School of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, graveyard of Judaism, Zionism, and —heaven help us —of the Jewish state. A classic example of the "new Israeli," she comes from a prominent Israeli family. Her grandfather is Baruch Ben Yehuda, first Director of the Ministry of Education, before that principal of the classic Herzeliah high school in Tel Aviv, and member of the equally classic kibbutz, Degania Aleph. And, of course, winner of the prestigious "Israel Prize" for his contributions to Israeli education.
Her mother is Netiva, and she is the prototype of the Exodus girl. A member of the Palmach shock troops in the 1948 War of Independence, she served in several assaults in the Negev. She then studied at Hebrew University (language and philosophy) and then in London (art) which she concluded at the Bezalel School of Art in Jerusalem. A sculptress, an author, an intellectual; in short, the perfect Israeli product. And mother of Amal.
And Amal. What does the product of a laborite, socialist grandfather who was Director of the Ministry of Education and a mother who was a fighter in the Palmach and sabra extraordinaire think about Israel and the Jewish people?
Her answers appeared in an interview in Maariv (January 26, 1979):
"I do not see any Divine right (of Jews) to the land because I

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am not religious. I do not see any national right to the land just because of our suffering. My right is simply because I and my mother were born here. . . . And because of this I feel a much greater obligation to the Arabs who paid a price in order that there be a Jewish state. . . . We have a right to a Jewish state because of the facts that were created here over three generations."
It is difficult if not impossible to be stunned by the lack of anything Jewish and, more, the sheer fascism of the views of this creature from outside of Jewish space. Rejecting religion and nationalism, the only "right" to Israel her tortured and empty mind can come up with is that "there have been created facts." In short, aggression, illegality, brutality, occupation, robbery, become legitimized by "the creation of facts over three generations."
One shudders to see Amal, the product of the Israeli secular education for which her grandfather won the Israel Prize, in a debate with an Arab as he loudly proclaims his national and religious right to the land stolen by the Zionists and vows that he will never accept the dictum that "time creates facts," and that this allows a stolen land to become that of the thief.
And one reads the following article (Maariv, January 28, 1983) about an American Jewish family in Minneapolis who sent their daughter to study in the Jewish homeland, the Jewish State, at Tel Aviv University. Read. Read and weep, loudly:
" 'What didn't we do in order that our daughter should be a good Jew,' ask the parents, for whom the events of the past few weeks have left deep furrows in the foreheads." And the story goes on to detail a good, Jewish family, who attended the local Conservative temple, were very Zionist, and invested time and deep thought in making sure that their daughter, Liza Leah, would stay Jewish and, of course, marry a good Jewish boy.
"It is not easy to raise a Jewish child in a foreign country,' sighs the mother. 'In Israel, Jewishness is a natural thing but here one has to emphasize it, love it, fight for it.' They allowed their daughter a free hand in regard to boys but were insistent that she dare not go out with those that were not 'ours.'
" 'As long as no gentile entered our house I did not worry. I had faith in my daughter and in the Jewish education [sic] (after-hours Hebrew school) that we invested in her. I said to myself that it was impossible that she not marry a Jew. ..."
"How great was their happiness when their daughter told them

of her decision to attend Tel Aviv University. . . . There was no doubt that in Israel she would find her Jewish dream prince and, if in the wake of her love for her Israeli husband she would decide to settle in the land of our forefathers, that would also be acceptable. . . .
"And then, one wintry, snowy evening, the phone rang and the operator asked if they were willing to accept a collect call from Zurich, Switzerland. They were surprised since they had no acquaintance or relative there, but when the operator mentioned the name of the caller they hurriedly agreed to accept the call. Even before they had a chance to ask their daughter what she was doing in Zurich instead of Tel Aviv, she shouted into the phone:
" 'His name is Taga (an Arab). I met him in the student lounge. We got married this morning in a civil ceremony.'
"Two months passed since then. The happy couple, as part of their honeymoon, flew to Minneapolis to meet the parents. The latter, in a desperate effort to swallow the bitter pill, sought to find a slim chance of his converting and the Rabbi agreed to a lightning conversion.
"The groom refused. No, thanks. 'My religion is as dear to my heart as yours is to you.'
"And the daughter quickly drops the subject, saying: 'Oh stop being so Jewish. Isn't Taga a doll?'
"And both thanked the parents from the bottom of their hearts for sending their daughter to Israel. If she had not come to Tel Aviv, the meeting would have never taken place."
How good it is to have a Jewish State where Jews can meet Jews. And how good it is to have a democratic Jewish state where at Tel Aviv University Arabs can meet Jewesses freely and marry them.
And what do the Jews of centuries who went to the stake and died as martyrs to cleave unto their Jewishness, until there would once again rise up a Jewish state, say to the following article that appeared in the publication Olam H'Isha (World of the Woman), August, 1985?
"Some 3500 mixed marriages, the man an Arab and the woman a Jewess, live today in Israel (the actual figure is, of course, higher). . . . The figures show that the highest amount of mixed marriages are to be found in the large Arab villages of Israel, such as Tayba and Um al Faham. Says Ra'a'nan Cohen, head of the Arab department of the Labor Party: 'Mixed marriages have become a practical problem since Kahane was elected to the Knesset. Before this, no one hardly dealt with it, despite

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the fact that it is not a new phenomenon.'" And the article goes on to mention Jewish Nehama and her Moslem husband, Yusef. Nehama is from Iraqi Jewish family and she lives in her husband's Arab village of Tayba. The magazine says: "Their four children are registered in their identity cards as Jews but in the village they are recognized as Arabs. Yusef says that he will not send his children into the army. 'They have nothing to do there.' "
Indeed they do not, if they are Arabs. The tragedy is that thousands of Jewish children, products of mixed marriages, walk the ground of the Jewish state, identifying themselves as Arabs, cut off from their army, state and people. This, too, is the realization of the dream of 2,000 years.
And in the Jewish State, the following item appeared in the Jerusalem Post (June 21, 1984) under the heading, "Rabbi Sentenced for Disturbing Missionaries":
"Tiberias (Itim) —The head of the Yad Rambam Yeshiva here, Rabbi Adin Mahkouf, was sentenced yesterday to three months in jail and another three months suspended for disturbing a missionary gathering and threatening the participants. The offence was committed four years ago. ..."
The Jewish State. In which missionaries are free to snatch Jewish souls and a rabbi is sentenced to jail for fighting them. The Jewish State. Where a Knesset bill aimed at outlawing missionary activity is ruled illegal because it is "racist"! The Jewish State of Chelm. But it is not funny.
Israel, where the irony of ironies finds young Jews lost and bereft of all Jewish identity except that given them by the Arabs who hate them for being the Jews that they, young secular Israelis, do not even want to be!
The kibbutz. O, gem of socialist Zionism, the apex of the secular humanist leftist Jew who, in disgust, threw away the reactionary Judaism and racist Judaism of his forefathers to create a proud, new, secular society that would produce a proud, new, secular Zionist socialist. Mishmar Ha'Emek is one of the proud Marxist kibbutzim of Israel. A member of Hashomer Hatzair's kibbutz network, it holds within its boundaries a major educational institution, Shomriah, that caters to the children of other kibbutzim, too, Ha'Zoreah, Givat Oz, Megido. Its purpose is to produce the proud Zionists and Jews who will give Israel its future leaders and, indeed, generation.
On December 1, 1985, the newspaper Haaretz, reported on the latest edition of the kibbutz institution's school newspaper. The

heading of one of the pages reads, "Herzl and Zionut" (a mixture of the words "Zionism" and the slang sexual word for intercourse). Below it is a picture of Herzl, father of Zionism, with his beard ending in the form of the male sexual organ. Under the picture appear the words: "Herzl, as a youth, was almost ignorant of his Jewishness (despite the fact that he masturbated intensively as every other youth and certainly realized the cut in his organ)." Yet another drawing in the magazine shows a couple making love and under it the words:
"The book, The Jewish State [by Herzl], is the Hebrew translation of Kama Sutra [the Indian book of sex]. With its initial appearance it was clear to many that many of its positions [a double entendre] were incapable of being carried out."
Needless to say the kibbutzim were outraged and according to the newspaper Al Hamishmar (December 2, 1985), "in the wake of the publicity the kibbutzim met to discuss and clarify the events."
There was of course little to clarify. The empty children of empty Zionism who had been emptied of Jewishness were repaying their educators with the fruits of their work. The kibbutzim were the classic examples of Divine measure for measure, of the absurdity of hoping to empty Israelis of Judaism and a special meaning for the concept of a Jewish people and expect them to idolize Zionism, now merely another empty, stupid form of nationalism which may, in addition, also be a form of aggressive imperialism and colonialism. And so, what wonder that when the Chief of Staff of the Israeli army, Moshe Levi (himself a member of a Marxist Hashomer Hatzair kibbutz), visited the summer camp of Kibbutz Sdei Nahemiah, the proud young Sabras, the new Hebrews of our time, and paragons of manners and respect, began clapping in unison as he kept speaking, a reminder for him to finish. And later, four of the young Hebrews went up to the stage and urinated in front of everyone. . . .
And so, at a symposium on the question of emigration from Israel, Shmuel Lahis, former director of the Jewish Agency and now head of a group to prevent emigration, tells the educators that "there exists a large amount of emigration among youth of the kibbutz movement and especially Hashomer Hatzair" (among he most viciously anti-religious and anti-nationalist of the movements in Israel). This says Lahis, "because their educators did not give them the message of belonging to the land, and they grew, too, without a national identity." And so a poll in January, 1986,

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revealed that fully 25 percent of high school students of Hashomer Hatzair kibbutzim refuse to condemn emigration from Israel and six percent of all the kibbutz members between the ages of 25-45 have left the country.
In response to the breakdown of Jewish, Zionist and basic values in the Kibbutz, leftist Assistant Minister of Agriculture, Avraham Katz Oz, contributed this comforting thought:
"The youth of kibbutzim, as the general kibbutz population, are a part of the entire state and have been influenced by the general atmosphere that has been created in the country" (Haaretz, November 15, 1985).
Small comfort. No comfort. For, indeed, the atmosphere within the Jewish State is that of anarchy when it comes to any kind of values. Ruth Meged, a secularist par excellence, wrote a classic sociological document of primary importance in Yediot Aharonot (October 9, 1980). It should be required reading for all the opponents of Kahanism, Jewish "Khoumeinism" (!) and "dark ages" Judaism. It should be required reading for all the secularists who have produced a new Jew in Israel, liberal, free, progressive. The article is titled "A Disco Bat Mitzvah."
"Pretty Danny, king of the class, said that in his house there is a stereo system with six speakers and he deliberately pushed Gai into our stereo system, putting out of commission the 'Papa' group. Tzutzikit, aged 12, said that it was impossible to dance when the boys were making noise and that they should douse the lights already. A gay caballero announced that someone who does not have a color television is worth nothing.
"It all began at eight o'clock on Friday night, at the Bat Mitzvah party for our older daughter. We agreed that we had to celebrate it and that it would be nice to invite the members of the class. What is the problem? You arrange for a cake, pita with humus, a little singing and group games. But my daughter notified us that without a stereo and a bunch of disco records there is no party because the dances are the hit of the evening. She then told us that parties are only held on the Sabbath eve, Friday night, because during the week it is impossible to stay late.
" 'It also has to be dark because we don't dance in the light and the parents can't be home and there must be a lot of food because after the dancing people are very hungry.'
"Eight o'clock, the house is ready. Salads, fruit, decorations, gaiety, really pretty, and then the pogrom begins:
"The food disappears within minutes. Three little men take

over the stereo and raise the basso to its loudest. The lights are out—almost total darkness. The house shakes as with an earthquake and every effort to ask them to lower the sound is met with, 'We can't hear the beat.' There is an atmosphere of boredom, unfunny jokes, and confused giggling.
"The final damage of the successful party: A broken record; a scratch on the television screen; filth everywhere—paper and food on the floor, on the upholstery and the furniture, ripped and punctured decorations and balloons. The principal of the school tried to comfort me by telling us that last year there were parties that ended with broken furniture. . . .
"And they are only twelve years old. G-d, where have we gone wrong?"
It would take volumes to tell the Hellenist, because the simple truth is a thing she is not willing to accept. . . .
Nor would Yeshayahu Tadmor, secular Zionist who writes in Yediot Aharonot (February 25, 1986) under the heading: "Not for This Child Did We Hope":
"A few days ago I participated in a discussion that took place with two classes in our local school. We wanted to see the students' positions on Zionism and how they saw the Zionist future. . . .
"The results of their positions as expressed by them through statements and votes were as follows: 'In 15 years, about a quarter or perhaps a third of the children would probably live outside of Israel; there would undoubtedly be another war between us and the Arabs and in the coming war we will win, but there is no certainty of that; we might lose; in 15 years, said many of the students, Israel will exist but that is not 100 percent certain.' "Participating in the discussion was the director of the Haifa region of the Ministry of Education. He told me that he found similar expressions in many other schools which he visits. "The picture that was revealed was horrifying. I knew about it Out did not realize it was so serious. . . . The expressions were honest and authentic and their message shouted: Confusion, fear, insecurity and lack of faith in the Zionist future." Of course, Given the pragmatic realities of Israel and the Middle East, given the removal of faith in G-d and of Judaism from the lives of these youngsters, what is the surprise? And given the fact that the Hellenists and anarchists of Jewish values are permit-ted to destroy Jewish values and confidence, should we expect anything different?

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Among the artistic and "educational" institutions that undermine values and confidence of Israelis is Bet Lessin and its director Yaakov Agmon. The following appeared in the Histadrut paper, Davar (April 2, 1986):
"High school principals have decided to protect their students from the play Deserted, at the Beit Lesin Theater, because it is likely to injure the morals of youngsters about to be drafted into the army.
"The principal of the Ort school, Yad Singelovsky, Chaim Giron, stated his objection as follows: 'Its influence on the youth in the country is likely to be terrible. A picture is presented of war that is dreary and frightening. Militarism is forced on us by the Arabs, wars are an existing fact and there is no need to frighten youth that stands before military service. It creates demoralization. There are in this play effects that are hair raising.' "
Indeed, they are. And the play, which shows an Israeli and Arab soldier speaking of peace together, wipes away the reality of the Arab states' wishing to destroy Israel and presents instead a deliberately false picture of peoples who could live in peace if it were not for their governments. The horrors that war brings on the ordinary people are only because of those governments, including the Israeli one. The self-haters who comprise the artistic and theatrical elements of Israel have embarked on an unholy crusade and their victims will be young Sabras who do not know to begin with why they are Jewish and why they need Zionism and a Jewish State, if they must go to war for them.
Behind the surface that the tourists see, far from the sight of the American Jewish Congress climbers of Masada and the weepers and filmers at the Western Wall; out of mind of the happy neo-Zionists of Hadassah and the Long Island temple tour (with rabbi along for a free ride to tell them what he knows about Israel, one of the great fiction efforts of our time), is the reality of an Israel struggling for its soul, in a battle between Jews and Jews to decide what kind of a state it shall be. A Jewish State —home of a Divine, chosen, special people, cloaked in holiness and wrapped in the mantle of difference? A people proud and confident, radiating in the joy of being G-d's special people, blessed with the Divine truth at Sinai that raised it above the common and profane, and divided from the nations who know not holiness and sanctity?
Or will it be the shabby imitation of cheap cultures that sully the greatness of Man; the disgusting limitations of all that is

animal and degrading of the soul, leaving the youth of Israel as nothing more than Hebrew-speaking gentiles without the slightest logical reason to remain Jewish, and certainly not in the pressure cooker and potential danger that is Israel? Will Israel be the dream of centuries or the nightmare of modern times? This is the meaning of the struggle today between the Jews of Jewishness and those of profane Hellenism and Gentilization. The Jews against the Hellenists, far more than the Jews against the Arabs, is the real struggle. And the Hellenists with their destructive anarchy of worthless values have already created a spiritual holocaust within the Holy Land.
A nation rejects its special distinctive holiness for the common, the universally profane. The Sabbath mourns in humiliation, its Garment of Sanctification removed for the nakedness of desecration. Jewish mouths created to take in food sanctified by G-d and to give out words of purity and sanctity, instead hungrily swallow the "white steak" of the pig and the impurity of the shrimp even as they give forth profanity and filth. The dessert they gorge themselves on is the cultural diet of pornography, violence and licence subtly and less subtly fed them by the cultural barons of communications. The Jew who, but yesterday, watched his father sway in prayer, today rolls to rock and shakes with the agitation of a need for drugs. Perversion and self-indulgence —the worship of self, of the great "I" —becomes the religion of a state infested by Hellenism.
"Go through the city . . . and set a mark upon the foreheads of the men that sign and cry for all the abominations done in the midst thereof (Exzekial 9).
The external face of the nation becomes indistinguishable from that of any other people as the Hellenists —disturbed artists, intellectuals and writers, the barons of television and radio and theatre, epitomizing all that is arrogance and ego, placing their own needs, desires, and illnesses over that of the sacred yoke of Heaven —destroy a people and state from within. A people that was Chosen by G-d rejects with contempt its Divine blessing.
"And Esau said . . . Why do I need this birthright? ... So Esau despised his birthright" (Genesis 25).
How hath Jacob become an Esau! Woe unto that which is gone. . . .
The external face is but the outer manifestation of the internal values. And the values of Judaism struggle to the death with the secular, gentilized, foreign, corrupt ones of the Hellenists. If there

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are those who deplore the huge rise in foreign imports, let them know that more despicable than the foreign automobiles and luxury items are the foreign ideas, values, concepts. If we fear the importing of drugs from the outside, let us know that the worst of the opiates are the gentilized ideas that the intellectuals of Hellenism, the artists of gentilization, dance about as some Calf of Dross, shouting: "These are your gods, O Hellenes of Israel!"
This is the real struggle —the war of ideas, of values, of civilization. Will it be the victory of Judaism with its specific, separate, distinct views of holiness and purity, or the triumph of the Hebrew-speaking gentiles whose self-hate, a twisted product of cancerous ego, leads them to reject and stomp upon Judaism of discipline and embrace instead the malignancy of gentilization with its license, total self-indulgence, and self-destruction?
"The wicked walk on every side when vileness is exalted among the sons of man" (Psalm 12).
The war is being fought over the soul and destiny of the people and state. And the destroyers from within do their job well, eating away at the morality and values of a people once chosen for purity and who today throw off the greatness of the yoke of Heaven —which alone guarantees true freedom —for the rotting incense of foreign altars and strange temples of the "I."
"Who have said: With our tongue we will prevail; our lives are with us; who is lord over us?" (Psalms 12).
The Hellenists rampage through the Temple of the L-rd scattering its sanctity, destroying its nation of priests. A people rejects its chosenness and specialness, its sanctity and elevation, its separation from the impurities of the nations, their profanations and abominations. It pants after the gentile, it seeks to be as all the nations.
'"For My people have committed two evils; they have forsaken Me, the fountain of living waters, and hewed them out cisterns — broken cisterns —that can hold no water" (Jeremiah 2).
The Jews against the Hellenists. The real struggle.
The dream of materialism fills the streets of Israel and the acrid smell of yearning for pleasure assails the nostrils. In the parlor, on the bus, in the cafe, the talk is of money and what it can buy. The gentile world of magical sensualism and gratification of desires fills the bowels with painful need and the holiness of Israel is exchanged for the dream of pagan America.
The curse of drugs — as some locust plague borne by the western winds —rages through society and the young Jew is des-

troyed, daily, by his search for pleasure and escape from the reality of life and the values and challenges of Judaism and holiness. The Labor party chairperson of the Knesset's Labor and Welfare Committee, Ora Namir, babbles that "there is no school in Israel in which there are not drugs," failing in her obtuseness to add that she and her ideological colleagues who destroyed Judaism and the Jewish child are directly responsible. And failing— deliberately—to add that the religious schools of Israel are noticeably free of the poison. And in the alleyways of Tel Aviv and Haifa young Jews die in an agony of heroin —the children of Jews who once lived on the high of Judaism.
And the reality is an alarming growth in emigration, yerida, as the Zionist dream falls beneath the American one. Los Angeles and New York and Toronto and London and Amsterdam and Hamburg become Blue-and-White as hundreds of thousands leave the Jewish State for the Exile that Herzl sought to end. Their places remain empty for there is hardly any aliya, immigration, to Israel from the fleshpots of the west. Even those who must flee, prefer some other land. The Zionist dream falls victim to the bankrupt education and values of a state that is not Jewish but a Hebrew-speaking Portugal seeking to be a caricature of America.
"The more they were increased, the more they sinned against Me; I will change their glory into shame. . . . And they shall eat and not have enough, they shall commit harlotry and not increase" (Hosea 4).
For the cows of Dizengoff there can never be enough of the silks and dresses and gold and silver and good life of the gentile west, of the nakedness of gentile culture, of the throwing off of holiness and modesty.
"Because the daughters of Zion are haughty and walk with stretched-forth necks and wanton eyes, walking and mincing as they go ... therefore the L-rd will smite with a scab the crown of the head of the daughters of Zion and the L-rd will lay bare their secret parts" (Isaiah 3).
The Jews against the Hellenists. The real struggle.
The reality becomes a land whose music rocks to gentile beat and rolls to the depths of ugly violence. Values that raised the Jew to but a little lower than the angels are exchanged for those so base that he plunges lower than the beast. Judaism loses all meaning and Jewishness follows it into the junkheap of antiquity as Zionism becomes a word of mockery and cynicism. It is a land
at raises its eyes unto the gentile films and televised pornogra-

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phy and cheers its pagan heroes even as it worships at the feet of uncircumcized basketball players. Sinai is cast away for Times Square and the purity of the Chosen people is exchanged for the material vomit of Los Angeles. The modesty of holiness is contemptuously abandoned and the nation wallows in the nakedness of gentile culture.
The breakdown of holiness and sanctity; the fall from the mountain of discipline and heavenly yoke. The transformation of a people of G-d, yearning for the heavens, to a herd of men and women seeking the pleasures and aspirations of the beasts. Worse than the Jews for Christianity or Jews for Gurus or Jews for Marx are the Jews for Nothing . . . Absolutely nothing of any value. The Jews of emptiness and vanities and shallowness and grossness and ugliness and beastiality. And all this in the Holy Land. And all this on the part of the sons and daughters of Jews who clung to greatness in the Exile. The Jews of Israel who have been destroyed by the Hellenists and the empty vessels of gentilization. They exist in a vacuum that is valueless, and live for transitory pleasure, regressing to the paganism from which their father Abraham climbed to the One G-d.
A gross and grotesque creature named Nina Hagen, a punk singer as depressing and as shallow as possible comes to Israel (from East Germany, yet) and thousands of empty sacrificial lambs leap and scream in a mass exhibition of sickness. And a home-made product of depressing degradation, Shalom Hanoch, brings 30,000 Jewish youngsters, for whom the heart must weep even as the eye blinks in sad disgust, into Hayarkon Park in Tel Aviv to sink deeper yet into the mud of animalism. Haaretz (October 3, 1985) describes the Hebrew tragedy:
"Hanoch sings, 'I don't know how to tell you how much I love,' and the crowd grows excited. There is a smell of hashish in the air. Hanoch sings 'Morena, Morena' and the smell of hashish grows stronger. The crowd sings with him, screams. He sings 'The Messiah Has Not Come,' and the crowd is on its feet singing and dancing with him: 'The public is idiotic so the public pays . . ."' This is Israeli culture. For this they threw away Judaism. We are all in an insane asylum. . . .
One opens the newspaper to the entertainment section. Every single sick aspect of the gentilized society of the Hellenized west is reflected there. A nation of priests, a holy people, is in the gutter. The sex movies, the ones that are symbolized by the permanent huge sign over the Tel Aviv Central bus station with a couple

making explicit love and the words "sex" on it. The word is not even given its Hebrew name. The English word is transliterated in Hebrew letters. . . . Night clubs advertise sex acts on stage as ads announce the glorious movies of Sylvester Stallone. A full page ad in the daily yellow rag, Hadashot, that enters tens of thousands of homes in Israel, carries a full-page ad from the chain of "Sex Style Stores," the largest and most reputable chain. Honest. Reputable.
Its four stores proudly sell high quality video cassettes and 8 mm. films on "unusual subjects." It also offers "fat and daring booklets on anal, oral and animal sex," as well as all manner of sex equipment for the pervert of the Hebrew persuasion. And all of this in the holy tongue, the language of the rabbis, of Moses, of Sinai. A State of Israel, state of valueless anarchy. A ridiculous joke of a "poet" named David Avidan is found to be sufficiently important to be interviewed concerning a poll taken concerning whether Israeli women are satisfied with their sex life. Haaretz, which incredibly would care to be known as The New York Times of Israel, finds both poll and poet sufficiently important to be made the subject of their page 2 "Conversation of the Day." The little worm comes up with a deathless statement that is headlined by the somewhat less than Israel Times: "With me, women lose their embarrassment soon enough." Once Jews wrote poetry such as the Psalms. Under the secularists the poetry is as cheap as the shallow and empty Hellenists who write it.
"Thou hast built thy lofty place at every head of the way and hast made thy beauty an abomination and hast opened thy feet to everyone that passed by and multiplied thy harlotries" (Ezekiel 16).
And this is what the children are fed. These become their values. And so half of the students have had sex by the time they enter high school and the discos become the centerpieces of their empty lives and they become pregnant at 15 and have abortions in a land in which some 30,000 Jewish babies are murdered yearly by irresponsible women who murder after careless sex. Thirty thousand a year, more than a million since the Jewish State came into being. And how many soldiers would they have produced and how many Jews to fill Judea and Samaria and the Galilee? The poor sabras, the ones who are being destroyed daily, the ones who are given the poison of an empty life so that suddenly an epidemic of teenage suicides shocks Israel, and all ask: Why?
The values of Judaism are replaced by those of Dizengoff Street

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in Tel Aviv. The results can be seen in the crime, murder, robbery, rape and increasing brutalization of society. It can be seen in the prisons of Ramie and Beersheba and Shata where, sadly, mostly the children of the religious Sephardic immigrants of Arab lands sit. It can be seen in the Jewish prostitutes whose clients and pimps are so often Arabs. It can be seen in the growing number of Jewish girls who date and sleep with and marry Arabs. Who easily bed the foreign laborers and foreign soldiers. The incredible pollution of the sacred Jewish seed that preserved its purity in the Exile only to become abominated in the Holy land.
"Shall not the land tremble for this and everyone mourn that dwelleth therein? (Amos 8).
"For they have taken of their daughters for themselves and for their sons; so that the holy seed have mingled themselves with the peoples of the lands" (Ezra 9).
"... and she doted on her lovers, on the Assyrians, warriors clothed with blue . . . handsome young men all of them riding upon horses. And she bestowed her harlotries upon them . . . and they poured out their lust upon her" (Ezekiel 23).
This is the reality of secular Zionism; these are its victims. Children of Zion who suddenly find Jesus in Tel Aviv and pagan Indian idols in Jerusalem, whose sick soul of ignorance seeks refuge in cults and strange gods of stranger lands far beyond the seas.
The lonely, lost, searching Israeli youngsters. See them in Tzachi, Tzachi is a graduate of the prestigious Gymnasia high school in Jerusalem, a student of theater at Hebrew University. "I always searched for truth," he tells the newspaper Haaretz (April 15, 1986). At the age of 27 he left his home, left Israel and travelled to America. In Florida he met a young Christian girl who introduced him to the New Testament. The lost son of Abraham, grandson of Jews murdered by the Christian mobs, suddenly found "truth"—Jesus. Tzachi returned home to Israel. He is a Messianic Jew. The ignoramous who never studied Judaism remains an ignoramus, ignorant of his faith and its teachings. But he has found Jesus.
And in the streets of Israel, the same simplistic cartoons of Jews for Jesus that appeal to the lost American Jewish youngster find their way—this time in Hebrew—into the hands of the lost Jewish youngsters in Israel, who read the following:
"Jesus of Nazareth indeed came and was crucified for us. He was tortured for our sins and in his wounds we will all be healed.
How sad that the Messiah came and the people did not recognize him. But Jesus will not disappoint us; he will come again as king and judge.
"Today, know the Messiah."
And a coupon and an address and another lost Jewish soul in the hands of the missionaries.
The lonely, lost, searching Israelis, robbed by their parents and their leaders of their most precious gift: identity, reason for being, knowledge of what life is about and where they are supposed to go. And the vultures, the spiritual bloodsuckers, the missionary soul snatchers, smell the blood of the Jewish sacrificial lamb, smell his fearful search for answers, identity. As a swarm of locusts they descend on the Holy Land to "save" Jewish souls, knowing that the insanity of liberal democratic western Hellenism will allow them to do what they wish, with no interference from the Jewish government. And they are correct.
The Mormons, a missionary cult whose spiritual foundation is the attempt to convert one and all to their faith, see Israel as a goldmine for their conversation efforts. Their "center" in Jerusalem, which has been built despite vigorous protests by religious Jews, went up in great measure due to active support for their "democratic rights" on the part of leftists and liberals whose hatred Judaism does not stop even at the knowledge that the missionaries will have a field day in their conversion of the weak-minded, empty-headed Israeli youngster and equally lost western Jewish tourist and student. The Mormon "pledge" not to proselytize is waved high by the hypocrites of liberalism who know that a Mormon who does not attempt to convert is like an Orthodox Jew who does not attempt to observe the Sabbath. The Mormon Center on Mount Scopus next to the university is red meat for a lion, tragedy for Jews, yet another symbol of the bankruptcy of a state that places foreign gentile values —democratic freedom of speech —over the Jewish ones.
They are everywhere, the missionaries. In Tiberias they openly proselytize among the young tourists. On Jerusalem's Narkis Street, the Baptist Church, under its minister Lindsey, laughs at Jews who rush to donate funds for their burned church, even as they openly lie about their refusal to convert Jews. In Nahariya, the Hebrew Christians, under Tzipi Hason, baptize Jews in the nearby Mediterranean. Moshe Cohen, 24, a young Jew baptized by Tzipi, now lives in the Emanuel Church in Jaffa.
And the cleverest of all the missionaries is the so-called Chris-

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tian Embassy" in Jerusalem, run by a cunning Dutchman named Jan William van der Hoevan, former warder of the Garden Tomb. It is this "Embassy" that directs the operations and tours of countless Christians who come to Israel and express their total support for the Jewish state, a thing that emerges directly from their belief that the Jewish state presages the coming of the Messiah and the conversion of the Jewish people. Meanwhile, they use their reputation as lovers of Zion to quietly and methodically convert Jews while the Israeli government refuses to stop them. Every single absorption center and Ulpan has them. Jewish public funds help the missionaries to snatch Jewish souls.
And as they sense not only the red meat of the lost Israeli Jew, but also the unexpected support from Jewish leftists and liberals, the missionaries grow bolder. In an article in the Jerusalem Post (October 20, 1984), the bold change is spelled out:
"Israel's Christian missionaries, or, as they prefer to be called, Evangelicals, who bear witness to the Jews about Jesus, are coming out of the closet and openly stating their intentions for the first time.
"The forthright declaration of missionary intent comes in the form of the Mishkan, A Theological Journal on Jewish Evangelism, recently published in Jerusalem by the United Christian Council in Israel. In the words of its editor, Rev. Ole Kvarme, it is a 'clear statement that we do want to witness and to promote evangelism among Jews.'
"Kvarme, heads the Caspari Institute, a Christian study center in Jerusalem's French Hill and the financial support for the publication of the journal comes from, among others, the American Board of Missions to the Jews, and Jews for Jesus."
Every conceivable type of missionary group has come to Israel, a happy hunting ground for Christian sects of all stripes, as well as Eastern sects that stagger the imagination. Thus, the Witnesses with all their weirdness have opened a center in the heart of Tel Aviv and tens of Jews join and participate weekly in their prayers and beliefs.
They knock on doors and reach everywhere. In Lydda, where thousands of Georgian Jews live after leaving the Soviet Union, Shalom Tzikashvilli, 62, sits as a mourner. His daughter, Roseta, has joined the Witnesses and he says softly: "This is a humiliation for our family; for me my daughter has died." The Witnesses offer money, a thing which is not allowed by the tepid Israeli law that "limits" missionaries. But few know that not one missionary

has been tried under the law and that the Justice Minister at the time of its passage, Shmuel Tamir, immediately vowed that he would never prosecute anyone under it.
And so, confident, the Witnesses stand outside schools with their literature and their inducements. Eliyahu Leviashvilli, whose son, Avraham, was accosted by the Witnesses outside of his school, says: "Who heard about missionaries in the Soviet Union? Here, in our own land, land of the Jews, I have to fear such a thing?"
A telling question. No answer is forthcoming from those who stand at the helm of the Jewish ship of state and run it unto the rocks. And in the streets of Jerusalem one can find such posters as the one that reads:
KRIYA YOGA MEETING
of INTERNATIONAL BABAJI YOGA SANGAM
at East- West Center
on 46 Bezalel Street, Jerusalem
Yogi S.A.A. Ramaiah speaks on
Tamil Kriya Yoga Siddhantha
Yes, the cults of the east have found homes in Israel with all their sheer paganism and idol worship. At least several thousand Israeli Jewish youngsters have joined cult groups during the past decade, according to government estimates. A recently formed organization called Concerned Parents Against Cults, however, says the number is now "over 10,000." In a country the size of Israel, either figure is alarming.
The problem became so severe that the Education Minister ordered the formation of a special ministerial committee to investigate what it called "Eastern sects" operating in the Holy Land,
According to Yad L'Achim, an anti-missionary organization, the cults "have found Israel is an excellent target . . . [they] operate with more freedom [here] than they can in their countries of origin. . . . They prey on the lonely, the hardpressed, and the "Wandering Jews" who, although at home, are still searching for their roots."
Nearly every major U.S. -based cult has a branch in Israel.
The Guru Maharaji's "Divine Light Mission" is among the largest. With almost unlimited wealth at its disposal — devotees surrender most or all of their possessions to the cult — the move-

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ment has established two communes in Ramat Gan, purchased two factory buildings in south Tel Aviv, and set up groups in Jerusalem and Haifa.
Over 500 Israelis are active members of the Guru Maharaji cult. They believe that the Guru —an obese 19-year-old Indian youth —is a god; they pray before photographs of him in their Ramat Gan temple.
Their center is officially called a Yoga Academy, but the Guru's fanatical followers are unabashedly engaged in idol worship; a devotional letter written to the Guru by one of these young Israelis, and displayed on a commune wall, reads: "Guru, You are the King of the Kings, Master of the World, giver of Life, Love, Light, and Purity. Give me the perfect devotion to You and Infinite Love that will never end. Let me be at your feet forever."
A bewildering variety of other so-called "Yoga" or "Meditation" groups dot the Israeli scene as well, including the notorious Hare Krishna group.
A visit to the east-west center on Bezalel Street, reveals that its bookstore in fact showcases a veritable Who's Who of Eastern and other cults: literature from Hare Krishna, Guru Maharaji, Scientology and nearly every bizarre "meditation" or "yoga" cult under the sun, is all that is for sale. The spiritual shopper is offered a wide variety of idols to worship.
And thus writes Yediot Aharonot (February 6, 1986); "A group of young Israelis, mostly from elite units of the IDF, that believe in the teachings of the Guru Rina Shein who died two years ago in India, have established a commune in Spain. They continue to believe in the guru and practice a sensual way of life as she ordered in her will.
"The leader of the group is an Israeli who was a former teacher of drawing and close friend of the guru. His followers continue to worship the Indian guru, Aghawan Shari Rajnish, who was active in the western U.S. and taught free sex and varied sex, and gathered thousands of followers." What a sadness, what a tragedy.
"Thy sons and thy daughters shall be given unto another people and thine eyes shall look and fail with longing for them all the day; and there shall be naught in the power of thy hand" (Deuteronomy 28).
The Jews against the Hellenists. The real struggle.
Worst of all is the inexorable breakdown of the fundamental bottom-line of Judaism —spiritual and national self-preservation. As an immutable law of society, the mad Israeli dash to weaken,

befog and eventually do away with exclusive precise, exact and separate Jewish identity that —alone —preserved the Jewish people, brings the most inevitable and ultimate of disasters: A Jewish people who, seeing nothing special about being Jewish, leaps into the waters of intermarriage and dreams.
The Kibbutzim, like some nightmarish Abou Ben Adhem, lead all the rest of the spiritually destroyed Jews. The Jerusalem Post (April 20, 1986), writes:
"The marriages of non-Jewish volunteers with members of the Kibbutzim they work in have been increasing over the past five years and are creating a 'serious' problem for the identity of their children, many of whom are not considered Jewish because their mothers have not converted. These conclusions, from a study of the subject, made by Haifa University's kibbutz research institute, were published in Friday's issue of the Kibbutz Artzi (Hashomer Hatrzair) weekly, Hashavua.
"In a survey of 137 kibbutzim the institute found 739 mixed couples with a total of 1200 children.
"'. . . But most important, as the phenomenon grows, so does the danger of its jeopardizing the Jewish character of the kibbutz,' the writer of the article, A. Ginat, notes."
One must pause to admire the gall of the leftist kibbutz writer. A movement that destroyed Judaism among its members and which rails against the "racist" opposition to mixing Jewish and Arab students, suddenly bemoans "the Jewish character" of the kibbutz. Why the very term smacks of the rankest of racism. Who can plumb the dark depths of the agonized secularist Hellenist soul? The confusion, the schizophrenia, are awesome.
The pitiful leftist writers continues: "Four hundred children of the mixed couples in the Kibbutz Artzi settlements are receiving a bi-national education [read Jewish and Christian]. The Christmas tree has become a common sight and is no longer considered strange. Gradually quantity turns into quality and this will determine the national character of kibbutz society. In one of the Artzi kibbutzim, 13% [!] of the members are non-Jewish."
But of course, it is much more than the kibbutzim. All over the Country young Israelis see not the slightest reason not to marry a gentile, and so they do: Arabs, U.N. soldiers from Finland, Sweden, France, Holland; Portugese laborers in the Negev; any gentile tourist in Israel; or just any gentile met while the Israeli is a tourist. Consider the spiritual emptiness and holocaust erupting in Israel:

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• More than 4,000 Jewish women are married to Arabs, with
many living in Arab villages, having converted to Islam.
• Thousands of Jewish women live with and regularly have rela
tions with Arabs, including large numbers of married women.
• Hundreds of Jewish children live in Arab villages (their moth
ers are Jewish and their fathers Arab, making them halachically
Jewish). They are raised as Arabs, speak Arabic and hate Israel.
• Almost all the prostitutes in the cities of Israel are Jews and
the majority of pimps are Arabs.
• Arab pimps wait at the Tel Aviv Central Bus Station near
stops that are terminals for young Jewish girls from moshavim and
poor development towns, and there offer them "help" and "finan
cial assistance." The next step is drugs, drug dependency and
prostitution. Some Arab pimps "rent" out Jewish prostitutes for
the weekend or week to wealthy Arabs from the territories.
• Arabs have lists of schools and institutions for young girls,
mostly poor Sephardic girls from development towns and
moshavim. They wait outside patiently and repeat the pattern of
the Central Bus Station.
• The beaches and shores of Israel are frenetic hunting grounds
for Arabs whose own women and securely locked into their vil
lages and homes. Armed with money, the Arabs —often posing as
Jews —seek and easily find Jewish girls.
The bankrupt schools of Israel who make so many Jews proud as they turn out Jewish doctors and lawyers and pilots, fail of course to do what they were most meant to, to put out good and proud Jews (who will then be good doctors and lawyers and pilots). Little wonder that we read this happy and positive article in the Jerusalem Post which will undoubtedly do much to condition other young Israelis not to even think of intermarriage or love with gentiles:
"LOVE SONGS and romantic music are the strongest protest one can make today, says folk-rock singer Don McLean, who has arrived in Israel to promote his four concerts here scheduled for this month. . . .
"Love is also the main reason for McLean's frequent visits to Israel. Two years ago, a group of teenagers came backstage to see him after his performance. Among them was a shy, slim girl, who hung apart from the others. An intense romance began, with McLean calling Orly Tzarfati, of Kiron, every day after she returned from school and inviting her to stay on his farm in upstate New York when she finished high school.

"About six months ago, McLean came to be with Tzarfati on her last day before she was recruited to the Israel Defense Forces. She had insisted on serving her full term before considering marriage to the non-Jewish singer.
"'Of course, I came for Orly,' McLean said last week in his Tel Aviv Hilton suite. She spent every moment off from the army with him, while he spent as much time as he could sunbathing on Tel Aviv's beach, between interviews about his approaching four concerts here."
Again, the w